Language Experience Shapes the Development of the Mutual Exclusivity Bias

Halberda (2003) demonstrated that 17‐month‐old infants, but not 14‐ or 16‐month‐olds, use a strategy known as mutual exclusivity (ME) to identify the meanings of new words. When 17‐month‐olds were presented with a novel word in an intermodal preferential looking task, they preferentially fixated a novel object over an object for which they already had a name. We explored whether the development of this word‐learning strategy is driven by children’s experience of hearing only one name for each referent in their environment by comparing the behavior of infants from monolingual and bilingual homes. Monolingual infants aged 17–22 months showed clear evidence of using an ME strategy, in that they preferentially fixated the novel object when they were asked to “look at the dax.” Bilingual infants of the same age and vocabulary size failed to show a similar pattern of behavior. We suggest that children who are raised with more than one language fail to develop an ME strategy in parallel with monolingual infants because development of the bias is a consequence of the monolingual child’s everyday experiences with words.     

Eighteen‐Month‐Olds,but not 14‐Month‐Olds,Use Social Context to Bind Action Sequences

We demonstrate that 18‐month‐olds, but not 14‐month‐olds, can anticipate others' actions based on an interpretation of shared goals that bind together individual actions into a collaborative sequence. After viewing a sequence of actions performed by two people who socially interact, 18‐month‐olds bound together the socially engaged actors' actions such that they later expected the actors to share the same final goal. Eighteen‐month‐olds who saw nonsocially engaged actors did not have this expectation and neither did 14‐month‐olds when viewing either socially or nonsocially engaged actors. The results are discussed in light of the possibility that experience in collaborations could be necessary for understanding collaboration from a third‐person perspective.     

The Microstructure of Infants' Gaze as They View Adult Shifts in Overt Attention

We presented infants (5, 6, 9, and 12 months old) with movies in which a female model turned toward and fixated 1 of 2 toys placed on a table. Infants' gaze was measured using a Tobii 1750 eye tracker. Six‐, 9‐, and 12‐month‐olds' first gaze shift from the model's face (after the model started turning) was directed to the attended toy. The 5‐month‐olds performed at random. Following this initial response, 5‐, 6‐, and 9‐month‐olds performed more gaze shifts to the attended target; 12‐month‐olds performed at random. Infants at all ages displayed longer looking times to the attended toy. We discuss a number of explanations for 5‐month‐olds' ability to follow a shift in overt attention by an adult after an initially random response, including the possibility that infants' initial gaze response strengthens the representation of the objects in the peripheral visual field.     

Nineteen‐Month‐Olds' Understanding of the Conventionality of Object Labels Versus Desires

We assessed 19‐month‐olds' appreciation of the conventional nature of object labels versus desires. Infants played a finding game with an experimenter who stated her intention to find the referent of a novel word (word group), to find an object she wanted (desire group), or simply to look in a box (control group). A 2nd experimenter then administered a comprehension task to assess infants' tendency to extend information to a 2nd person who was not present at the time of learning. Results indicate that infants chose the target object when the 2nd experimenter asked for the referent of the novel label but not when she requested the referent of her desire. These findings demonstrate that 19‐month‐olds understand that words are conventional, but desires are not.     

The Other‐Race Effect in Infancy: Evidence Using a Morphing Technique

Human adults are more accurate at discriminating faces from their own race than faces from another race. This other‐race effect (ORE) has been characterized as a reflection of face processing specialization arising from differential experience with own‐race faces. We examined whether 3.5‐month‐old infants exhibit ORE using morphed faces on which adults had displayed a crossover ORE (i.e., Caucasians performed better on Caucasian faces and Asians performed better on Asian faces). In this experiment, Caucasian infants who had grown up in a predominantly Caucasian environment discriminated 100% Caucasian faces from 70% Caucasian/30% Asian morphed faces but failed to discriminate between the corresponding 100% Asian and 70% Asian/30% Caucasian faces. Thus, 3.5‐month‐olds exhibited evidence of ORE. These results indicate that at least by 3.5 months of age, infants have attained enough face processing expertise to process familiar‐race faces in a different manner than unfamiliar‐race faces.     

Perceptual Organization Based on Common Region in Infancy

We examined whether infants organize information according to the newly proposed principle of common region, which states that elements within a region are grouped together and separated from those of other regions. In Experiment 1, 6‐ to 7‐month‐olds exhibited sensitivity to regions by discriminating between the displacement of an element within a region versus across regions. In Experiments 2 (6‐ to 7‐month‐olds) and 3 (3‐ to 4‐month‐olds), infants who were habituated to 2 elements in each of 2 regions subsequently discriminated between a familiar and novel grouping in familiar and novel regions. Thus, infants as young as 3 to 4 months of age are not only sensitive to regions in visual images, but also use these regions to group elements in accord with the principle of common region. Because common region analysis is critical to such basic visual functions as figure‐ground and object segregation, these results suggest that the organizational mechanism that underlies many vital visual functions is already operational by 3 to 4 months of age.     

Mental Rotation of Dynamic,Three‐Dimensional Stimuli by 3‐Month‐Old Infants

Mental rotation involves transforming a mental image of an object so as to accurately predict how the object would look if it were rotated in space. This study examined mental rotation in male and female 3‐month‐olds, using the stimuli and paradigm developed by Moore and Johnson (2008) . Infants were habituated to a video of a three‐dimensional object rotating back and forth through a 240° angle around the vertical axis. After habituation, infants were tested both with videos of the same object rotating through the previously unseen 120° angle, and with the mirror image of that display. Unlike females, who fixated the test displays for approximately equal durations, males spent significantly more time fixating the familiar object than the mirror‐image object. Because familiarity preferences like this emerge when infants are relatively slow to process a habituation stimulus, the data support the interpretation that mental rotation of dynamic three‐dimensional stimuli is relatively difficult—but possible—for 3‐month‐old males. Interpretation of the sex differences observed in 3‐ and 5‐month‐olds’ performances is discussed.     

Interacting Socially With Human Hands at 24 Months of Age

This experiment explored whether or not 2‐year‐olds would engage in synchronic imitation with human hands. Sixty‐four 24‐month‐old infants participated. In a test of synchronic imitation, infants were given a toy while a model simultaneously performed novel actions on an identical toy. Infants were randomly assigned to 1 of 4 model conditions: a familiar person, an unfamiliar person, disembodied human hands, and disembodied robotic pincers. Infants were as likely to synchronically imitate disembodied hands as a person. Imitation of the pincers was significantly lower. This pattern suggests that 2‐year‐olds will engage socially with human hands in the absence of the rest of the body.     

What Coy Smiles Say About Positive Shyness in Early Infancy

Positive shyness is a universal emotion with the specific social function of regulating our interactions by improving trust and liking, and showing politeness. The present study examined early infant production of coy smiles during social interactions as a measure of positive shy behavior. Eighty 4‐month‐olds were experimentally observed during three types of interactions in front of a mirror in which (1) the infant only sees him or herself, (2) the infant only sees the other person (mother, father, or stranger), and (3) the infant sees both him or herself and the other person. Infants produced more coy smiles during the interaction with a stranger than during the interactions with their mother or their father, or when they could see only themselves in front of a mirror. Infants also produced more coy smiles when they could see their self‐reflection during the interaction than when they could not. Our results support the assumption that coy smiles indicate an early emerging emotional reaction with an important adaptive function during social situations involving novel persons and when special attention is given to the child.     

“Are You Really Sad?” Infants Show Selectivity in Their Behaviors Toward an Unconventional Emoter

We examined whether 18‐month‐olds understand how the emotional valence of people's experiences predicts their subsequent emotional reactions, as well as how their behaviors are influenced by the reliability of the emoter. Infants watched a person express sadness after receiving an object that was either inappropriate (conventional emoter) or appropriate (unconventional emoter) to perform an action. Then, infants’ imitation, social referencing, and prosocial behaviors (helping) were examined when interacting with the person. Results showed that during the exposure phase, the unconventional group showed visual search patterns suggesting hypothesis testing and expressed less concern toward the person than the conventional group. In the social referencing task, the conventional group preferred to search for the target of a positive expression as opposed to the disgust object. In contrast, the unconventional group was more likely to trust the person's negative expression. As expected, no differences were found between the groups on the instrumental helping tasks. However, during the empathic helping tasks, the conventional group needed fewer prompts to help than the unconventional group. These findings provide the first evidence that the congruence between a person's emotional responses and her experiences impacts 18‐month‐olds’ subsequent behaviors toward that person.     

The Development of Specialized Processing of Own‐Race Faces in Infancy

In this study, we examined developmental changes in infants' processing of own‐ versus other‐race faces. Caucasian American 8‐month‐olds (Experiment 1) and 4‐month‐olds (Experiment 2) were tested in a habituation‐switch procedure designed to assess holistic (attending to the relationship between internal and external features of the face) versus featural (attending to individual features of the face) processing of faces. Eight‐month‐olds demonstrated holistic processing of upright own‐race (Caucasian) faces, but featural processing of upright other‐race (African) faces. Inverted faces were processed featurally, regardless of ethnicity. Four‐month‐olds, however, demonstrated holistic processing of both Caucasian and African upright faces. These results demonstrate that infants' processing of own‐ versus other‐race faces becomes specialized between 4 and 8 months.     

Race‐Based Perceptual Asymmetry in Face Processing Is Evident Early in Life

Adults’ processing of own‐race faces differs from that of other‐race faces. The presence of an “other‐race” feature (ORF) has been proposed as a mechanism underlying this specialization. We examined whether this mechanism, which was previously identified in adults and in 9‐month‐olds, is evident at 3.5 months. Caucasian 3.5‐month‐olds looked longer at a pattern containing a single Asian face among seven Caucasian faces than at a pattern containing a single Caucasian face among seven Asian faces. Homogenous and inverted face control conditions indicated that infants’ preference was not driven by the majority of faces in arrays or by low‐level features. Thus, 3.5‐month‐olds found the presence of an other‐race face among own‐race faces to be more salient than the reverse configuration. This asymmetry suggests sensitivity to an ORF at 3.5 months. Thus, a key mechanism of race‐based processing in adults has an early onset, indicating rapid development of specialization early in life.     

A Sex Difference in Mental Rotation in Infants: Convergent Evidence

Quinn and Liben (2008) reported a sex difference on a mental rotation task in which 3‐ to 4‐month‐olds were familiarized with a shape in different rotations and then tested with a novel rotation of the familiar shape and its mirror image. As a group, males but not females showed a significant preference for the mirror image, a pattern paralleled at the individual level (with most males but less than half the females showing the preference). Experiment 1 examined a possible explanation for this performance difference, namely, that females were more sensitive to the angular differences in the familiarized shape. Three‐ to 4‐month‐olds were given a discrimination task involving familiarization with a shape at a given rotation and preference testing with the shape in the familiarized versus a novel rotation. Females and males preferred the novel rotation, with no sex difference observed. This finding did not provide support for the suggestion that the sex difference in mental rotation is explained by differential sensitivity to angular rotation. Experiment 2 revealed that the sex difference in mental rotation is observed in 6‐ to 7‐month‐olds and 9‐ to 10‐month‐olds, suggesting that a sex difference in mental rotation is present at multiple ages during infancy.     

14‐Month‐olds anticipate others’ actions based on their belief about an object's identity

Past research has accumulated evidence regarding infants’ false‐belief understanding, measuring their gaze patterns or active helping behaviors. However, the underlying mechanisms are still debated, specifically, whether young infants can compute that others represent the world under a certain aspect. Such performance requires holding in mind two representations about the same object simultaneously and attributing only one to another person. While 14‐month‐olds can encode an object under different aspects when forming first‐person representations, it is unclear whether infants at this very age could also predict others’ behavior based on their beliefs about an object's identity. Here, we investigate this question in a novel eye‐tracking‐based unexpected‐identity task. We measured 14‐month‐olds’ anticipatory looks combined with their looking time, using a violation‐of‐expectation paradigm. Results show that 14‐month‐olds look longer to an actor's reach that is incongruent with her false belief about the identity of an object compared to a congruent reach. Furthermore, infants correctly anticipated the actor's reach based on her false belief. Thus, as soon as infants represent dual identities they can integrate them in belief attributions and use them for consequent behavioral predictions. Such data provide evidence for the flexibility of false‐belief attributions and support proposals arguing for infants’ rich theory‐of‐mind abilities.     

Environmental Influences on Infants’ Native Vowel Discrimination: The Case of Talker Number in Daily Life

Both quality and quantity of speech from the primary caregiver have been found to impact language development. A third aspect of the input has been largely ignored: the number of talkers who provide input. Some infants spend most of their waking time with only one person; others hear many different talkers. Even if the very same words are spoken the same number of times, the pronunciations can be more variable when several talkers pronounce them. Is language acquisition affected by the number of people who provide input? To shed light on the possible link between how many people provide input in daily life and infants’ native vowel discrimination, three age groups were tested: 4‐month‐olds (before attunement to native vowels), 6‐month‐olds (at the cusp of native vowel attunement) and 12‐month‐olds (well attuned to the native vowel system). No relationship was found between talker number and native vowel discrimination skills in 4‐ and 6‐month‐olds, who are overall able to discriminate the vowel contrast. At 12 months, we observe a small positive relationship, but further analyses reveal that the data are also compatible with the null hypothesis of no relationship. Implications in the context of infant language acquisition and cognitive development are discussed.     

Infants Experience Perceptual Narrowing for Nonprimate Faces

Perceptual narrowing—a phenomenon in which perception is broad from birth, but narrows as a function of experience—has previously been tested with primate faces. In the first 6 months of life, infants can discriminate among individual human and monkey faces. Though the ability to discriminate monkey faces is lost after about 9 months, infants retain human face discrimination, presumably because of their experience with human faces. The current study demonstrates that 4‐ to 6‐month‐old infants are able to discriminate nonprimate faces as well. In a visual paired comparison test, 4‐ to 6‐month‐old infants (n = 26) looked significantly longer at novel sheep (Ovis aries) faces, compared to a familiar sheep face (p = .017), while 9‐ to 11‐month‐olds (n = 26) showed no visual preference, and adults (n = 27) had a familiarity preference (p < .001). Infants’ face recognition systems are broadly tuned at birth—not just for primate faces, but for nonprimate faces as well—allowing infants to become specialists in recognizing the types of faces encountered in their first year of life.     

Speed of Processing and Face Recognition at 7 and 12 Months

This research examined developmental and individual differences in infants' speed of processing faces and the relation of processing speed to the type of information encoded. To gauge processing speed, 7‐ and 12‐month‐olds were repeatedly presented with the same face (frontal view), each time paired with a new one, until they showed a consistent preference for the new one. Subsequent probe trials assessed recognition of targets that either preserved configural integrity (Study 1: 3/4 profile and full profile poses) or disrupted it while preserving featural information (Study 2: rotations of 160° or 200° and fracturings). There were developmental differences in both speed and in infants' appreciation of information about faces. Older infants took about 60% fewer trials to reach criterion and had more mature patterns of attention (i.e., looks of shorter duration and more shifts of gaze). Whereas infants of both ages recognized the familiar face in a 3/4 pose, the 12‐month‐olds also recognized it in profile and when rotated. Twelve‐month‐olds who were fast processors additionally recognized the fractured faces; otherwise, processing speed was unrelated to the type of information extracted. At 7 months then, infants made use of some configural information in processing faces; at 12 months, they made use of even more of the configural information, along with part‐based or featural information.     

Developmental Differences in Infants' Attention to Social and Nonsocial Threats

Research has demonstrated that humans detect threatening stimuli more rapidly than nonthreatening stimuli. Although the literature presumes that biases for threat should be normative, present early in development, evident across multiple forms of threat, and stable across individuals, developmental work in this area is limited. Here, we examine the developmental differences in infants' (4‐ to 24‐month‐olds) attention to social (angry faces) and nonsocial (snakes) threats using a new age‐appropriate dot‐probe task. In Experiment 1, infants' first fixations were more often to snakes than to frogs, and they were faster to fixate probes that appeared in place of snakes vs. frogs. There were no significant age differences, suggesting that a perceptual bias for snakes is present early in life and stable across infancy. In Experiment 2, infants fixated probes more quickly after viewing any trials that contained an angry face compared to trials that contained a happy face. Further, there were age‐related changes in infants' responses to face stimuli, with a general increase in looking time to faces before the probe and an increase in latency to fixate the probe after seeing angry faces. Together, this work suggests that different developmental mechanisms may be responsible for attentional biases for social vs. nonsocial threats.     

Infants' Looking at Possible and Impossible Screen Rotations: The Role of Familiarization

The effects of familiarization and age were examined using Baillargeon's rotating screen paradigm. In Condition A, 4‐month‐olds exposed to 7 180° familiarization trials looked significantly longer at the 180° test events than the 112° test events; there was a familiarity preference. In Condition B, which consisted of 12 instead of 7 180° familiarization trials, the 4‐month‐olds looked significantly longer at the 112° test events than the 180° test events; there was a novelty preference. In Condition C, which was similar to Condition A except that there were 112° familiarization trials, the infants showed a familiarity preference. Thus, 4‐month‐olds experiencing 7 familiarization trials exhibited a familiarity preference, and those experiencing 12 familiarization trials showed a novelty preference. In Condition D, 6‐month‐olds experienced 7 180° familiarization trials; there was no preferential looking to either familiar (180°) test events or novel (112°) test events. Therefore, looking behavior during the test trials was a function of the type of familiarization experience and age and not necessarily an inferred violation of physics.     

The Development of Rational Imitation in 9‐ and 12‐Month‐Old Infants

Studies on rational imitation have provided evidence for the fact that infants as young as 12 months of age engage in rational imitation. However, the developmental onset of this ability is unclear. In this study, we investigated whether 9‐ and 12‐month‐olds detect voluntary and implicit as well as nonvoluntary and explicit constraints in the head touch task. Three groups of infants watched video sequences, which displayed a person illuminating a lamp using the head. The hands of the model were either free, occupied by voluntarily holding a blanket, or nonvoluntarily restrained by being tied to the table. An additional control group of infants watched the model turning on the lamp by using the hand. Given that the majority of infants imitated the head touch when the model's hands were free, there was evidence for rational imitation in comparison to the condition in which the model's hands were tied to the table, but not in comparison to the condition in which the hands were occupied by holding a blanket. Nine‐month‐olds showed no differences in their behavior according to the condition. These findings clarify the onset of rational imitation by showing that 12‐month‐olds (but not 9‐month‐olds) take into account a situational constraint only when the constraint is nonvoluntary and explicit.