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1.
Abstract Multiple indicators of the structure of agriculture were extracted from the U.S. Census of Agriculture for the years 1982, 1987, and 1992, and used to extend previous work by Wimberley (1987). Exploratory factor analysis results for each year yielded three dimensions of agri-structure: corporate-commercial, farming-firm, and small-farm. Factor-scores used to estimate scales had high reliabilities (omega coefficients > .9) and strong inter-temporal correlations for each scale across years were observed. The content of each scale was consistent across the three years, suggesting that structural shifts in the elements defining “agri-structure” were minimal. Because the 1980s were a turbulent period for U.S. agriculture, the patterns describing heterogeneity among counties in each year were investigated. Cluster analysis of each year's three factor scales produced five homogeneous groups of counties: three, dominated respectively by small-farms, farming-firms, and corporate-farms and two mixed groups, which we interpreted as reflecting transitional situations. Comparisons of these cluster groupings across the three years identified the emergence of counties typified by organizational patterns of firm-oriented and corporate-commercial farming. Moreover, the patterns of temporal movement by U.S. counties across this typology suggest a fundamental change from homogeneous family-centered small-farming concentrations dominant during most of this century. Implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
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DONALD P. WARWICK 《Sociological inquiry》1974,44(2):75-91
Very little social scientific research has considered the question of bureaucratization in the individual governmental agency. Departing from an experiment in de-bureaucratization, this article traces the origins of two core components of bureaucracy-hierarchy and rules-in the U. S. Department of State. The discussion emphasizes the interaction between the internal structure of a public organization and two sets of environmental factors: the power setting and the operating environment. It is argued that this interaction produces a high degree of message generation, top-down demands for accountability and control, and bottom-up pressures for clearance and guidance. These conditions lead to a heavy message volume and a high degree of centralization which, in turn, bring on communications overload. Bureaucracy increases as overload is handled through hierarchical differentiation and the proliferation of rules. 相似文献
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Philip Martin 《The International migration review》2002,36(4):1124-1142
Western U.S. agriculture is an industry that has shaped and been shaped by a peculiar labor policy: seasonal workers were outsiders who looked to agriculture for jobs, not careers. They did not plan to remain farm workers, and the industry and community in which they worked and lived did not see them as long‐term settlers. The immigration and integration policy, in effect, was to recruit new workers willing to accommodate themselves to seasonal employment, and to avoid their integration in agricultural areas. Thus, for most immigrant workers, economic mobility required geographic mobility. However, the major policy issue is not how to enhance the upward mobility of immigrant farm workers and their children; it is how U.S. agriculture should gain access to immigrant farm workers. 相似文献
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Don E. Albrecht 《Rural sociology》1997,62(4):474-490
Abstract Between 1982 and 1992, trends in farm structural change resumed patterns that had existed from the Great Depression to the 1970s. That is, farms became fewer and larger. By 1992, the number of American farms declined below two million for the first time since the Civil War. Also, the trend toward dualism noted in the 1970s is over, as the number of small farms again declined rapidly during the 1980s. The trend toward large-scale agriculture is most prominent in the most important agricultural counties. 相似文献
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Rick Welsh 《Rural sociology》1998,63(2):199-213
Abstract According to a number of observers of the U.S. economy, large publicly traded corporations can be viewed as a social problem primarily because of their association with the concentration of wealth and power. In agriculture, nine states have laws which restrict or proscribe public corporations from engaging in farming. Also, groups and individuals have attempted to preserve non-corporate production enterprises in agriculture through the establishment of direct markets such as farmers' markets. Proponents of such efforts believe public corporations have negative economic impacts; opponents of such efforts, especially efforts to establish and retain anti-corporate farming laws, argue that corporations can provide economic benefits to rural areas. These debates beg the question of whether ownership and direct marketing arrangements have important influences on economic outcomes such as levels of cash returns from farming and increases in the number of farms realizing cash gains. Using multi-year, county-level data from the Census of Agriculture, this study finds that, even when holding a number of important variables constant, ownership arrangements, as well as the (interaction between the percentage of total sales which are direct sales and the percentage of farms selling directly, are important determinants of both net cash returns and the percentage of farms realizing cash gains. 相似文献
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Abstract This paper seeks to explain variations in gender participation in farm production and decision‐making through an analysis of organic farm types, sizes, and orientations. Based on both survey and case study data, the analysis shows that female farmers on vegetable farms and mixed livestock/cash crop farms are more likely to be involved in farm production and management than women on field crop farms, where mechanization and capital intensive production is much higher. The links to ideological orientations and motivations are also examined, suggesting that farmers with more conventional orientations to organic farming are also less likely to support gender equality. 相似文献
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Abstract Metropolitan encroachment into surrounding countrysides has had noticeable consequences on American agriculture. This research examines gross farm sales in five categories of crops and five categories of livestock and poultry by county proximity to metropolitan areas. A seven‐category classification of counties was derived from the 1983 and 1993 Economic Research Service/Beale rural‐urban codes and used in the analysis. Our findings showed a significant metropolitan influence on agricultural sales of crop and livestock commodities, particularly those commodities that can be intensively produced on few numbers of acres. Some of this influence is attributed to the rapid growth of the urban areas during the past quarter century. Our results challenge widely‐held traditional perceptions about the spatial organization of agricultural production in the United States. 相似文献
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Pamela Irving Jackson 《The Sociological quarterly》1978,19(4):577-589
This paper describes the results of a comparative study of the factors which inhibited or facilitated the development of the issue of community control of schools in fifty-seven cities in the United States. The findings suggest that the degree to which blacks and the poor were mobilized for political action and the political characteristics of the city were important in determining whether or not the issue entered the political arena. 相似文献
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Kathryn L. Ashford 《Sociological inquiry》1986,56(4):409-431
The issues of whether and how corporate campaign donations affect the operation of American elections have recently become the focus of public and scholarly debate. Using Federal Election Commission campaign finance data, this analysis identifies a link betwren contributions from business PACs and candidate success in the 1980 U.S. congressional elections. Findings also confirm an association between corporate support and legislative voting for candidates re-elected in 1980. Candidates heavily supported by business PACs during the campaign did better at the polls and were more likely to vote conservatively if elected than those not so strongly endorsed by economic interests. Results are discussed in terms of various theories of the state as well as their relevance to potential election finance reforms. 相似文献
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Abstract We analyze the relationship between legitimation, resource mobilization, and political opportunity and the founding rate of national environmental organizations between 1895 and 1994. We address recent criticisms that organizational ecologists' reliance on the density dependence model—which treats legitimation as an unmeasured intervening variable—has failed to capture the active sociopolitical character of this process. We advocate a more historical approach to legitimation which relies on print media to construct direct measures of legitimation. Specifically, we use the yearly count of environmental books published as a measure of the legitimacy of environmentalism in the U.S. This count remains statistically significant and positively related to foundings even when other variables are added to the model. A negative second‐order effect of total books suggests that the recent proliferation of state and local environmental organizations is beginning to depress the founding rate of national organizations. Variations in resource mobilization and political opportunity also have affected foundings, though variables measuring the latter were not significant in the full model. 相似文献
12.
反恐战争与美国-伊斯兰世界矛盾的演进 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
"9·11"事件后,随着美国反恐战争的深入推进,伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化.这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴,向社会和意识形态领域延伸,形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面.美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧,成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一. 相似文献
13.
“9·11”事件后,随着美国反恐战争的深入推进,伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化。这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴,向社会和意识形态领域延伸,形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面。美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧,成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一。 相似文献
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Previous studies explored how urban or rural place of origin influences the source of social capital. There remains a need to consider how the place of origin affects the type of ties—family, friends, or paisanos (countrymen)—with those who provide support to migrants. We use data from the Mexican Migration Project (MMP128) and perform multinomial logistic regression models to predict who (among family, friends, or paisanos) provides lodging to first‐time undocumented male migrants from Mexico, taking into account the size of their place of origin. We find that paisanos are important in providing lodging to those from rural areas, and family members are more likely to assist those from urban settings. Paisanos are more likely to help at the beginning of the migratory flow of the community (rural or urban), and family members to do so once the flow has matured. Also, paisanos are more likely to help those in rural areas during more difficult times, such as after the enactment of the North American Free Trade Agreement. We suggest that paisanos fulfill a role similar to that in Granovetter's (1973) concept of the strength of weak ties in which they act as substitutes for other ties (such as to friends and family) to provide social capital, making the first‐time undocumented migration possible. 相似文献
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The study of civic activity has become a central focus for many social scientists over the past decade, generating considerable research and debate. Previous studies have largely overlooked the role of youth socialization into civic life, most notably in the settings of home and school. Further, differences along gender lines in civic capacity have not been given sufficient attention in past studies. This study adds to the literature by examining the potential pathways in the development of youth civic activity and potential, utilizing both gender‐neutral and gender‐specific structural equation modeling of data from the 1996 National Household Education Survey. Results indicate that involvement by parents in their child’s schooling plays a crucial, mediating role in the relationship between adult and youth civic activity. Gender differences are minimal; thus adult school involvement is crucial for transmitting civic culture from parents to both female and male youth. 相似文献
16.
长期以来,奉行亲美立场的伊拉克库尔德人在美国的中东战略中具有不可替代的作用。伊战后,以2003年伊拉克战争为标志事件,2011年美军撤离伊拉克为重要节点,美国的伊拉克库尔德政策可以分撤军前和撤军后两个阶段。随着伊拉克国内安全局势的恶化、伊朗支持什叶派力量的力度加大、极端组织“伊斯兰国”的沉浮和美国中东战略的收缩,美国不断调整对伊拉克库尔德政策。该政策是内外多重因素影响的结果,从本质上讲是美国将其作为维护中东霸权战略的重要抓手和依托。近年来,随着伊拉克国内反美情绪的高涨、伊朗地区影响力的增强、叙利亚局势的不确定性等多重因素的叠加,美国根据中东局势变化和战略利益需要持续调整库尔德政策,伊拉克库尔德人仍将是美国中东战略中的一个重要棋子。 相似文献
17.
Leslie King 《Sociological inquiry》2007,77(3):301-325
This article seeks to extend our understanding of the forces that shape social movement messages. Using a framework that focuses on a movement's discursive field, I analyze the U.S. movement for population stabilization, which is made up of groups that call for stricter limits on immigration to the United States as a means to forestall environmental decline. Drawing upon data from a range of sources, including the Web sites of 10 environment‐oriented immigration‐reduction organizations, I make the case that this movement's particular field is composed of the discursive repertoires (or messages) of a set of environmental and nonenvironmental social actors and three central discourses: science, political economy, and nationalism. I argue that the movement's relative lack of success is partially attributable to its position in the discursive field in which it must operate. 相似文献
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青少年公民教育是新时期促进国家发展,增加国家实力的基本保障。由于相关概念内涵的模糊不清、推行机制的不完善等原因,导致了我国青少年公民教育的理论体系和实施体系建设的相对滞后。直至20世纪90年代以后在国际和国内环境的双重推动下。青少年公民教育才开始有了实质性的发展和推进:同时也存在着理论体系建构滞缓、教学理念混淆、课程衔接乏力、教育内容知行脱节等现实问题。构建一个适应时代发展需求,符合青少年身心发展特征。校内外有机结合的积极有效的青少年公民教育体系成为了新时期发展青少年公民教育的重要任务。 相似文献
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This research sought to explain the agency of U.S.-based nonprofit nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the U.S. standing abroad, and explore the NGO role in the U.S. public diplomacy. A multiple-case study method was used to look at five 501(c)(3) organizations that receive predominantly private funding and operate globally. The data gathered from in-person interviews and corporate documentation were compared between cases, and synthesized across cases using the theory-building technique. While U.S. standing affects American NGOs’ practices and discourses, American NGOs’ behavior might have a bearing on the attitudes, perceptions, and opinions of international publics about the United States. Both the NGO-owned state identities and American NGOs’ reputation for autonomy and freedom of expression enhance the U.S. public diplomacy efforts. 相似文献