Dirty Words: Smoker,Vaper, Harm Reductionist?

During the course of my career in the alcohol and drug problems field, I have observed, studied and taught about the power of words to clarify, obscure or demonize both practices and people. Thirty years ago, I learned the hard way that suggesting that my colleagues listen to, rather than reject, criticisms from the harm‐reduction community would have me labeled a “drug legalizer.”     

Hegemony's Dirty Tricks: Explaining Counter-Globalization's Weakness in Times of Neoliberal Crisis

Against the backdrop of the international financial and sovereign debt crisis, this article revisits the development of the counter-globalization movements in the global North over the past thirteen years. How can we explain that the systemic failures of the current order are not being met through a broad ideological formation posing a serious challenge to the neoliberal hegemony in international politics and political economy? Why have the mass protests at summit meetings and democratic deliberation experiments at social forums not prepared the ground for such an ideological formation? Drawing on (neo-)Gramscian concepts, this paper argues that the counter-globalization movements' ‘war of maneuver’ has not been complemented by an adequate ‘war of position’. Counter-hegemonic dissent articulated broadly on the streets has not translated into counter-hegemonic capacity. Without focusing on movement-internal reasons, this article highlights the role played by the strength of the opponent in preventing such success. Our analysis sheds light on three important macro-contextual factors: the difficulties created for establishing counter-hegemony in international politics when hegemonic powers insulate themselves from critique; the co-optation of critical discourse that is achieved by bending critique into a new legitimation strategy for neoliberal measures; and the de-politicization of power relations by current international security discourses and policies. Together, these macro-contextual factors help explain how neoliberal forces successfully prevent counter-globalization movements from moving from ‘war of maneuver’ to ‘war of position’ and becoming counter-hegemonic, even in times of neoliberal crisis.

Desde el punto de vista de la crisis de la deuda soberana y financiera internacional, este artículo vuelve a tratar el desarrollo de los movimientos antiglobalización en el norte global, durante los últimos trece años. ¿Cómo podemos explicar que los fallos sistémicos del orden actual no se hayan satisfecho mediante una formación ideológica amplia, planteando un reto serio a la hegemonía neoliberal en las políticas internacional y económica? ¿Por qué no han preparado el terreno, las protestas masivas en las reuniones cumbre y en los experimentos de deliberación democrática en los fórums sociales, para tal formación ideológica? A partir de conceptos (neo-)gramscianos, este artículo sostiene que ‘los movimientos antiglobalización, ‘la guerra de maniobra’ no han sido complementados por una adecuada ‘guerra de posición’. La disidencia antihegemónica ampliamente articulada en las calles, no se ha reflejado en una capacidad antihegemónica. Sin enfocarse en las razones de los movimientos internos, este artículo destaca el rol jugado por la fuerza del oponente, para prevenir tal logro. Nuestro análisis esclarece tres importantes factores macrocontextuales: las dificultades creadas para establecer una antihegemonía en la política internacional, cuando los poderes hegemónicos se aíslan de la crítica, la cooptación de un debate crítico que se logra doblegando a la crítica a una nueva estrategia de legitimación para medidas neoliberales; y la despolitización de las relaciones del poder mediante debates de seguridad y política. Juntos, estos factores macrocontexuales ayudan a explicar cómo las fuerzas neoliberales previenen exitosamente a los movimientos antiglobalización de pasar de una ‘guerra de maniobra’ a una ‘guerra de posición’ y volverse antigemónicos, incluso en tiempos de crisis neoliberales.

以国际金融和主权债务危机为背景,本文重新思考过去13年的全球的北方的反全球化运动的演变。我们如何解释,当前秩序的系统性失败并未产生一个对国际政治和国际政治经济中的新自由主义霸权构成严峻挑战的宽广的意识形态构成？为什么在各类峰会中的大规模抗议和在各类社会论坛中民主的主张之实验没有为这样的意识形态构成准备依据？借助（新）葛兰西主义的概念,本文认为,反全球化运动的“策略战争”（war of maneuver）并未被足够的“立场战争”（war of position）所补充。 街头的广泛的反霸权的异议并未转化为反霸权的能力。并未聚焦于运动的内部理由,本文强调反全球化的优点组织了这样的成功。我们的分析着重于三大重要的宏观背景因素：国际政治中建立反霸权的困难性,当霸权的各国不理会批评;批评的话语的被吸收,新自由主义措施的新立法策略纳入了一些批评;由目前的国际安全话语和政策而存在的大国关系的去政治化 （de-politicization） 。综合起来,这些宏观的背景因素帮助解释了,即使在新自由主义的危机时代,新自由主义势力如何成功地阻挡了反全球化运动从“策略的战争”到“立场的战争”以及反霸权。

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На фоне международного финансового и полновластного долгового кризисов, статья пересматривает развитие антиглобализационных движений в странах Севера за последние тринадцать лет. Как можно объяснить, что системные сбои существующего порядка не решаются в рамках широкого идеологического формирования, представляя серьезную проблему для неолиберальной гегемонии в международной политике и политической экономии? Почему массовые протесты против встреч на высшем уровне и демократические эксперименты, рассмотренные на социальных форумах не подготовили почву для такого идеологического формирования? С опорой на неограмшианские понятия, в статье утверждается, что “маневренная война” антиглобализационных движений не была дополнена адекватной “позиционной войной”. Контргегемонистское инакомыслие, широко сформулированное на улицах, не привело к контргегемонистской мощи. Не сосредотачиваясь на причинах внутри движения, эта статья выдвигает на первый план роль, которую силы противника играют в предотвращении такого успеха. Наш анализ проливает свет на три важных макроконтекстных фактора: созданы трудности для основания контргегемонии в международной политике, при изоляции гегемонистских держав от критики; кооптация критического дискурса, которая достигается путем перехода критики в новую стратегию легитимизации неолиберальных мер; и деполитизации властных отношений на действующих международных дискурсах о безопасности и политике. Вместе эти макроконтекстуальные факторы помогают объяснить, как неолиберальные силы успешно препятствуют тому, чтобы антиглобализационные движения перешли от “маневренной войны” к “войне позиционной” и стали контргегемонией даже во времена неолиберального кризиса.     

Managing Identity in a Dirty Occupation: Male Strippers Experiences with Social Stigmas

In this research, I explore the social stigmas male strippers experience for engaging in a deviant occupation and the identity work they perform to maintain a positive sense of self. Specifically, I draw from 22 in-depth interviews with male exotic dancers and 18 months of fieldwork at a strip club. Overall, participants experienced three social stigmas as a result of stripping. These were reactions of shock and disgust, being targets of the “fag discourse,” and being falsely accused of being gay. Dancers used different techniques to manage these stigmas, such as passing, relying on narratives of professionalism, resisting feminine characterizations of themselves, and avoiding male patrons. Overall, these strategies proved to be effective in protecting their self-views.     

Ideological Primary Groups in Contemporary Cultural Movements

Abstract

This paper argues that “post-modern” societies generate movements for cultural change in models “of” and “for” identity and consciousness, rather than traditional kinds of social movements aiming at structural changes in institutional arrangements. The distinctive and crucial unit in comtemporary cultural movements is what we have termed the “ideological group.” These groups are similar to the “ideological informal groups” which recruited members of traditional social movements on the basis of personal contacts and confidence, and which rested on shared “inner convictions.” Like other, earlier, ideological groups, they focus on the construction and legitimation of a shared symbolic interpretation, and ideology of a dissatisfying reality as well as their own personal and collective identity in relation to it. However, contemporary movement groups have been influenced considerably by the sensitivity training-encounter-group dynamics techniques associated with the intensive group movement. The result is a new interest in artificial primary relations among sociologically homogeneous peers for joining socio-cultural analyses with psychological interpretations of common personal experiences. The processes generated in these ideological primary groups lead to the collective construction of new or modified ideological interpretations of reality which contain different, more satisfying, models “of” and “for” personal and group identity, and “consciousness.”     

Secondary Popular Culture

In the context of “primary process” assumptions concerning mass distributed culture, the idea of “secondary process” assumptions is developed. A secondary popular culture process (1) is focused on the time period after “legitimate” distribution is conventionally considered complete, (2) treats “finished” cultural materials as raw materials, (3) takes for granted the design and actualization features of “legitimate” production and distribution (which is tantamount to “sacredness”), (4) “turns over” nationally (and internationally) produced wants (“markets”) at the local level for local profit, and (5) creates localized occupational, professional, and stylistic identities which are unanticipated consequences of the centralized producer's work. The idea is then illustrated through a brief discussion of the author's research concerning local popular music performers.     

State work and the testing concours of citizenship

Anyone trying to be a citizen has to pass through a set of practices trying to be a state. This paper investigates some of the ways testing practices calibrate citizens, and in doing so, perform “the state.” The paper focuses on three forms of citizenship testing, which it considers exemplary forms of “state work,” and which all, in various ways, concern “migration.” First, the constitution of a “border crossing,” which requires an identity test configured by deceptibility. Second, the Dutch asylum process, in which “being gay” can, in certain cases, be reason for being granted asylum, but where “being gay” is also the outcome of an examination organized by suspicion. And third, the Dutch measurement of immigrants’ “integration,” which is comprised of a testing process in which such factishes as “being a member of society” and “being modern” surface. Citizenship is analyzed in this paper as accrued and (re)configured along a migration trajectory that takes shape as a testing concours, meaning that subjects become citizens along a trajectory of testing practices. In contributing both to work on states and citizenship, and to work on testing, this paper thus puts forward the concept of citizenship testing as state work, where “state work is the term for that kind of labor that most knows itself as comparison, equivalency, and exchange in the social realm” (Harney, 2002, pp. 10–11). Throughout the testing practices discussed here, comparison, equivalency, and exchange figure prominently as the practical achievements of crafting states and citizens.     

The Social Dynamics of Technical Innovation in the Computing World*

The “computing world,” all those people and groups that collectively produce computers and computer-based services is an especially complex, dynamic and diffuse social world. Technical innovation is a dominant feature of the world. It is organized to provide a continuous flow of innovations from participants who specialize in innovation through many other participants to the final consumers of computer-based services. Technical innovations often flow across a large number of “markets” which are composed of only a few classes of participants such as “innovators” and “vendors” or of “users” and “consumers.” This paper identifies the major orientations taken on by participants in the computing world and examines some of the markets across which innovations are negotiated. The computing world is organized so that each market is biased in favor of innovations moving from suppliers to their customers. From this viewpoint, “innovation” is a dominant structural interest in computing around which participants organize their activities and to which they must continually adjust.     

Facts Of The Moment: The Study Of News*

Reviewing past research on news and mass media, this article charges it is “administrative” research which accepts the presuppositions of the media being studied, particularly their emphasis on “facts” as discrete and objective phenomena. It also suggests that there are epistemological problems implicit in such concepts as “bias” and “refraction” used in gate-keeping studies. The article offers an alternative paradigm, described as “serious work on the sociology of knowledge as a junction with the sociologies of organizations and occupations and professions.” Some studies using that paradigm are described.     

Dirty writing

On 16 August 2006 we watched Life of Grime: New York on Australia’s Channel 10 television network. The camera followed a group of ‘grime professionals’ cleaning up the streets of New York. They cleaned rats, dogs and other peoples’ dirt. One guy struck us as particularly interesting. His job was cleaning the streets after suicides. His latest assignment was someone who had recently jumped from an apartment block of 17 floors, a woman. He enjoyed scrubbing the railing which caught her flesh as she fell, the blood fresh on the sidewalk. As he hosed down the street with complete detachment from the dirt he was cleaning, the blood just ran, slipping away – life having already slipped away. The debris was fresh and easy to remove. Stale dirt, hardened blood, crusty flesh is harder to brush away and with it better hydraulics are required to sterilize the streets, he told us. Maybe writing is like this. Ignoring the material(ity) of the dirt. Pretending that it didn’t come from real people. Forgetting the damaged lives that produce the dirt. Removing the dirt from view. And our dirt is so encrusted, so hard to sanitize despite our massive cleaning efforts.     

Zentralisierung durch Dezentralisierung

Paradoxical slogans such as “controlled autonomy”, “externally organized self-organization”, “centralistic decentralization” and “regulated anarchy” point to strategies by the management which make use of two seemingly contradictory phenomena: the advantages in innovation and efficiency that are implied in decentralized self-organization on the one hand and the advantages in synergy and control that come with a centralized management on the other hand. Starting from this assumption on the combination of centralization and decentralization as a deliberate management strategy, the results of a case study are discussed which was conducted in a medium-sized German company. This leads to a re-consideration and partial reversal of the original assumption. It is shown that, rather than being a strategy intentionally employed by the management, “centralization by decentralization” was an unintended side-effect of the introduction of team structures on several hierarchical levels which originally was a part of decentralization.     

How Can Three Questions on Modernity Be Answered? The World-System Theory and Japanese Experiences

This article addresses three questions on modernity. Can “the premodern” and “the modern” be differentiated in the historical process? If they can, what is the relationship between “the premodern” and “the modern”? And what will become of these relationships in the future? This article attempts to answer these questions by criticizing the world-system theory and considering some of the experiences of the modernization process in Japan. The world-system theory has tried to relativize social theories from advanced societies in the global perspective. However, the world-system, born during the long 16th century, was defined from the start as modern and capitalist. Therefore, logically this theory cannot adequately grasp the modernization process. To overcome this challenge, this article first accepts the differentiation between “the premodern” and “the modern” and defines modern society as one in which “the modern” is not exclusive but dominant. Second, this article turns to some of the Japanese experiences of “modernization”, particularly in industrial relations. This article asserts that a Japanese-style society tends to keep “the premodern” over a longer term and to replace “modern” relations with “the premodern” ones in management. The author defined this process as informalization. Third, this article stresses that since the late 1990s with globalization, informalization is no longer derived from original “premodern” relations, which are nowadays reproduced by capital. An example of this is the “black company.” This article notes, finally, that capitalism is likely to reproduce premodern forms for its duration.     

Towards a “New” outrageous public choice

Public choice theory has identified and emphasised “failings” in political processes. However, an assessment of “failure” is sensitive to the framework used for evaluation. Recent developments in cognitive psychology and in experimental economics suggest that “deficiencies” in the political process (ie. “defects” that weaken the link between self interest and policy outcome) are, instead, attractive attributes (which safeguard individuals from the costs of “anomalous behavior”). A “new” public choice perspective (outrageously!) identifies “strengths” (as well as “failings”) in democratic political processes when what has been regarded as “anomalous” behavior is deemed relevant.     

Und Immer Noch Einmal: Alfred Schütz, „Die Definition der Situation“ und die (Angeblichen) Grenzen von Rational Choice

The paper is a reply to the critique of Christian Etzrodt in two points, where he was discussing the model of frame-selection which I formulated following some suggestions of Alfred Schutz on the problem of bounded rationality: (1) The model does not exclude at all the processes of the “interactive” and symbolic constitution of social situations; (2) it does in no way rely on the “rationality” of the actors alone. It does, however, assume quite a different mechanism to the assumption of “calculativeness”, usually associated with subjected-expected-utility theory, despite it is based on certain formal assumptions of this theory. The core of the framing-concept is the “match” of typical properties of the situation (i.e. “symbols”) with socially shared mental models, which are part of the identity of the actors. Quite different to the assumptions of Etzrodt, the model thus systematically takes into account the “meaning” of social action and the strength of culture in defining a situation.     

Place attachment and political orientation: The case of localists in Hong Kong

This study extends the application of place attachment, which is widely used in environmental science research, to the field of political and civic studies. It compares place attachment between citizens with different political orientations and citizenship identities. In addition to its “cognitive” aspect, this study includes an “affective” dimension that has rarely been featured in the extant literature. Our findings, based on a telephone survey of 607 Hong Kong residents, confirm that place attachment is composed of both cognitive and affective dimensions. Besides, the mean score of self-identified “localists” and “Hong Kongers” on place attachment was significantly lower than that of “centrists” and those with no political orientation, as well as those who identified themselves as “Chinese Hong Kongers,” respectively. The weak place attachment among the localists amid Hong Kong's tremendous social and political challenges is most alarming, which highlights the need for policy makers to quickly address the issue.     

Motherhood Motivations: African Refugee Women Resettled in Australia and Return Visits to a Country of First Asylum

This article expands on conceptualizations of refugee “return” by examining why African women resettled as refugees in Australia return to visit the country of first asylum from which they were previously resettled. I show that their return visits do not relate to attachment to place, but are motivated by social obligations to practise “motherhood” to family members who, due to conflict‐induced displacement, remain in a country of first asylum. I argue that the phenomenon of refugee “return” cannot be conflated exclusively with return to country of origin but is, for African women in particular, centred on the reinvigoration of care relationships across diasporic settings of asylum in which family remain. Building on an emergent focus on feminization in migration studies, I show how these gendered dynamics of refugee “return” are an entry point from which to re‐consider how scholarship and policy take into account “family” in contexts of forced migration.     

The five careers of the biological metaphor in economic theory

The paper distinguishes among five different roles which the biological metaphor has played, or could play, in economic theory. First, the “selfish-gene” metaphor shows that non-human agents allocate scarce resources and behave non-selfishly according to rationality optimization—not different from how neoclassical theory models human choice. Second, the “ecological influx” metaphor examines the prowess of the non-human/human agent to produce surplus (net product), which differs from rationality optimization. Third, the “genotype” metaphor casts light on how the technology/institution scheme informs the development and behavior of organization. Fourth, the “organism” metaphor illuminates the order of organizations such as firms and states. Fifth, the “ecosystem” metaphor explicates the order of markets, which differs from the order of organizations.     

Does acclamation equal agreement? Rethinking collective effervescence through the case of the presidential “tour de France” during the twentieth century

This article discusses the integrative function frequently assigned to festive events by scholars. This function can be summed up in a proposition: experiencing similar emotions during collective gatherings is a powerful element of socialization. The article rejects this oft-developed idea according to which popular fervor could be an efficient tool to measure civic engagement. It raises the following question: what makes enthusiasm “civic”, “patriotic”, “republican” or simply “political”? Based on a study of French presidential tours in France from 1888 to 2007, this article casts a different light on the topic. The enthusiasm of the crowds interacting with the successive French presidents is not civic because an inquiry may find “patriotism” into participants’ minds. It can be called civic simply because the forms and meaning of the festive jubilation, which may be summarized into the formula: “if spectators applaud, it means they support,” necessarily preexist its multiple manifestations.     

Homo ludens im sozialwissenschaftlichen Seminar

The teaching of social sciences consists of social interactions and is, therefore, an appropriate object for scientific analysis. A game-theoretic approach reveals that ”chicken games“ and ”prisoner’s dilemmas“ are abundant in university level courses. It can also deliver systematic solutions to the problems of cooperation students and teachers are confronted with in everyday a cademic life. One of these solutions is the reforming of courses into games, as based on a perspective borrowed from cultural anthropology. ”Excitement and fun“ become the ”selective incentives“ which may boost seminar interaction and output, and forge ”privileged groups“, i.e. ”teams“.     

Migration,Precarization and the Democratic Deficit in Global Governance

This article attempts to provide a critical understanding of the dual signification of “precarity”. It explores what “precarity” as a concept may potentially offer to studies of the changing contemporary political economy of migration. It discusses shifting trends in global migration and point to tendencies for a possible convergence between “South” and “North”, “East” and “West”. Based on a review of current advances in research, it discusses, with reference to the classical work of Karl Polanyi, the potential for a contemporary “countermovement” which would challenge the precarity of migrants. Bringing forward the issue of the “space for civil society” the article addresses a still lingering democratic deficit in the global governance of migration.

Policy Implications

The article is relevant to policymakers, trade unions and civil society organizations. It contributes to the understanding of policy making processes in emerging multilevel global governance and focuses on issues of precarization, migration, and the implementation and accountability of human, migrant and labour rights.     

自反性青年亚文化——青年文化的空间属性与情感转向

“青年文化”具有“亚文化”属性,不仅仅指“青春叛逆”这一特质,在新媒体时代更涉及到“网络媒介”对“青年文化”的形塑。通过当代大学生阅读调查、网络使用习惯调查以及实际社交状况的深描,探讨青年群体在虚拟空间与现实空间中不同的身份表达,可以发现当下“赛博空间”中的青年自我表征与现实身份认同的关系具有“自反性”,一方面“次元壁”的区隔显示出青年身份认同的焦虑,另一方面从“网络—现实”空间的二元对立中又生产出身份认同的路径,即通过“自我对抗”最终生产出青年的主体性。