Inside contracting at the Sargent Hardware Company

Conclusions Four major points emerge from the events at the Sargent factory. First, the image of inside contracting as a system pitting owners against contractors is simplistic and incomplete. Rank and file workers constituted an important third force and were involved in a complex set of changing relationships with each group and within their own group. Shifts of power in this three-way straggle led to the organizational transition away from inside contracting.Second, the history of the Sargent factory organizational structure cannot be understood without reference to the labor unions. Too often, organizational historians act as if the unions had no effect on an organization's internal structure. Conversely, labor historians often overlook the ways in which factory structures shaped the organizational task work of unions. At Sargent's, the labor unions took on a part of the work done by inside contractors, such as representing the owner to the workers and enforcing contractual obligations. The unions did serve as a voice for workers, but they also categorized workers and enforced contracts, work that enabled the new more bureaucratic structure to emerge.Third, the Sargent case provides important information about the nature of early unionization efforts and the link between those efforts and the evolving union structure. The initial worker coalition was based on a broad vision of an altered workplace, one that valued mutuality. The results of the struggle, however, gained influence for workers in only a very narrow arena and did so only at the expense of a large portion of the workforce. Unions then became a major force for division within the rank and file, separating them by craft category and perpetuating community ethnic divisions.Finally, ethnic and community ties were significant factors in the shifting patterns of alliance within the factory. Irish and Italian workers brought commonalities as well as differences into the workplace and these qualities interacted with their emerging class and occupational identities. It is important to note that the final hierarchy, Sargent on top, Irish unions and craft workers in the middle, and Italian laborers on the bottom, paralleled the larger New Haven community class and ethnic structure.The Sargent case pushes the traditional frame of analysis outward, beyond a two-way struggle, beyond an examination of just the factory structure, beyond a conventional view of business unions and beyond the factory walls into the community. As a result, a much richer and more comprehensive history emerges.     

The Solidarity of Skilled Workers: Creating a Logic of Particularism

Abstract The organization of workers into craft unions in the United States during the Gilded Age (1865–1900) can be interpreted as a search for viable strategy. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) successfully built a durable movement - based on the emergence, development, and consolidation of a distinctive 'logic of particularism'. Workers' strategic behavior was based on building and sustaining organizations able to survive periods of economic difficulty and political repression. The analysis shows that organized labor increasingly relied on exclusionary principles in which inclusion within the organized segment of the working class involved a repeated scaling down to a defensible core. This process also reflected the impact of macro-historical structural forces. The combination of strategic behavior and structural influences causally explains the establishment of a narrowly-based and emphatically particularistic working class movement.     

STATUS DIVISIONS AND WORKER MOBILIZATION

The relatively conservative trajectory of the American labor movement often has been attributed to enduring status divisions among workers such as race and ethnicity, occupation, and skill. Such divisions, it has been argued in the literature, fragment working-class organization and pose limits on solidarity. Recent analyses of labor and class-based mobilization, however, have begun to challenge this assumption, suggesting that the impact of pertinent worker divisions is quite varied. In this article I draw from and extend these literatures by examining how workplace stratification impacts individual strike participation. The analyses draw on unique individual level data from a recent strike by the Communication Workers of America. Findings speak to the complexities of worker action, and show that status divisions among workers, while meaningful for strike participation, do not preclude successful collective action. I conclude by discussing the implications for labor mobilization more generally.     

Union-management solutions for preventing workplace injury of older workers

As the US workforce continues to age, organized labor and management will have to work creatively to redesign jobs, workflow, and work pace to accommodate older workers. Union-management cooperation in developing safety strategies have been largely unsuccessful because of mutual distrust, animosity left over from contract negotiations and administration, the absence of strong labor legislation that promotes shared governance, injury concealment, and world-wide competitive pressures to reduce labor costs at the expense of worker safety. If workplace injury prevention that focuses on cost-effective and efficient workplace modifications for older as well as for all workers is to become reality, then employers and their unions will need to develop solutions to forge new, more expansive approaches to accommodation.     

Union Organizing and Labor Outreach in the Contemporary United States

Despite their long decline, labor unions increasingly find themselves in the news. From the spirited debate over income inequality, to fights over minimum wage and the unlikely mobilization of fast food workers at the very bottom of the American labor market, labor issues are of great public interest. In this article, I review scholarship on contemporary union organizing and outreach activity. This work suggests that while innovative organizing and outreach strategies, sometimes lumped together under the rubric of “social movement unionism” and “alt‐labor,” are demonstrated to be effective in advancing union causes, only a handful of unions appear to have the will and resources to utilize them. Moreover, while the implementation of new organizing and outreach strategies has been uneven and has not boosted union membership nationally, organized resistance to unions, from court rooms to state legislatures, has increased substantially.     

In the Shadow of Working Men: Gendered Labor and Migrant Rights in South Korea

Based on ethnographic research in South Korea, this article investigates the gendered production of migrant rights under the global regime of temporary migration by examining two groups of Filipina women: factory workers and hostesses at American military camptown clubs. Emphasizing gendered labor processes and symbolic politics, this article offers an analytical framework to interrogate the mechanisms through which a discrepancy of rights is generated at the intersection of workplace organization and civil society mobilization. I identify two distinct labor regimes for migrant women that were shaped in the shadow of working men. Migrant women in the factories labored in the company of working men on the shop floor, which enabled them to form a co-ethnic migrant community and utilize the male-centered bonding between workers and employers. In contrast, migrant hostesses were isolated and experienced gendered stigma under the paternalistic rule of employers. Divergent forms of civil society mobilization in South Korea sustained these regimes: Migrant factory workers received recognition as workers without attention to gender-specific concerns while hostesses were construed as women victims in need of protection. Thus, Filipina factory workers were able to exercise greater labor rights by sharing the dignity of workers as a basis for their rights claims from which hostesses were excluded.     

Violence by U.S. labor unions

During the early 1800s, most violence connected with labor disputes was committed spontaneously by unorganized groups of workers. During the twentieth century, the pattern changed and most violence was caused by workers organized into unions. Although no statistics have been completed on how much violence has been committed by labor unions in the United States until recently, some indication may be obtained by examining National Labor Relations Board charges of violence filed against unions. Theories of striking and violence are discussed and an evaluation of theories on future trends in violence is made.     

Working-class ecology and union politics: a conceptual topology

ABSTRACT

This paper argues that Environmental Labour Studies may benefit from incorporating the perspective of environmental justice. We offer a theorization of working-class ecology as the place where working-class communities live and work, being typically affected by environmental injustice, and of working-class environmentalism as those forms of activism that link labour and environmental struggles around the primacy of reproduction. The paper’s theoretical section draws on a social ethnography of working-class ecology in the case of Taranto, a mono-industrial town in southern Italy, which is experiencing a severe environmental and public-health crisis. We show how environmental justice activism since the early 2000s has allowed the re-framing of union politics along new ways of politicizing the local economy. We conclude by offering a conceptual topology of working-class ecology, which situates different labour organizations (confederal, social/community, and rank-and-file unions) according to their positioning in respect to environmental justice.     

Unions in the 2000 election: A strategic-choice perspective

In the 2000 elections, organized labor mounted a“massive“ political effort. The AFL-CIO spearheaded a program that emphasized both grassroots and“checkbook” politics. Labor 2000, however, represented much more than an attempt to influence elections. Political action, dedicated to a“Working Families Agenda“ became a strategy of choice to elect candidates, influence lawmakers, mobilize union members, and recruit workers into the labor movement. In this paper, I examine Labor 2000 from a strategic-choice perspective. Specifically, I look at the scope and variety of labor's political effort; how labor allocated its political resources; the degree of competition it faced; and the election outcomes. In addition, I examine the effort in terms of its potential for transforming unions. Data from a variety of sources, some of which have not been previously used, are examined to put Labor 2000 into perspective as a strategy. The results indicate that labor did have some success in mobilizing union members politically. However, labor's impact proved insufficient to achieve immediate national election goals. Questions remain about the wisdom of political action as a strategy of choice, especially in terms of its viability as an instrument for institutional revival.     

The effect of type of union on member-nonmember wage differentials

The union-nonunion wage differential can be decomposed into bargaining and membership effects. While some analysts suggest that they are not separable and that bargaining power is a function of membership density, others argue that they are separable and that the former derives from monopoly power while the latter stems from socialization. Our results support the latter view. We derive estimates of bargaining and membership effects for workers covered by national, industrial, and craft union contracts as well as for all covered workers taken together. Since industrial and craft unions differ in structure and organization, we expect differences in the socialization effects among types of unions. It is clear from our results that union membership per se in each case gives a large positive wage advantage.     

Information technology: The threat to unions

Conclusions Although seldom recognized in the flurry of enthusiastic support, information technology has a dark side for unions. The Internet and the Web, with its power and convenience magnified by wireless communication, will reduce the relevancy of the traditional workplace-centered appeals of organizing unions. With greater physical distance and less psychological attachment to their employer and workplace, professional, clerical, technical, and sales workers will believe that collective bargaining does not fit their situations. Organizing these workers will require that unions not only have to broaden their mode of representation, perhaps even reviving associate membership, but also compete against advocacy and identity organizations. To make matters even worse, when unions try to organize any group of workers regardless of whether or not their jobs have been transformed by information technology, and when unions try to maintain their influence in already organized workplaces, they will have to compete against employer-controlled intranets.     

The Polls--Trends: Labor Unions in the United States

In this study, we analyze data on public opinion and attitudestoward labor unions from the iPOLL Databank at the Roper Centerfor Public Opinion Research (University of Connecticut), theAmerican National Election Study, and the Current PopulationSurvey. Despite recent developments that suggest labor unionsare in decline, we find organized labor has maintained reasonablystrong public support. Although the data indicate that Americansremain skeptical about how much confidence they can place inunions and their leaders, the results make clear that the publiccontinues to recognize the need for unions to protect the rightsof workers. These results hold potentially important implicationsfor the future of organized labor in the United States.     

Trade unions and climate politics: prisoners of neoliberalism or swords of climate justice?

ABSTRACT

Contemporary climate change politics, dominated by neoliberal and ecological modernization framings, has reached an impasse. This article utilizes literature on the environment and employment relations to interrogate the largely neglected field of trade union activities on climate change. The main findings are that some trade union climate representatives (‘green representatives’) in some sectors have made an independent contribution to climate mitigation and adaptation strategies in the workplace. There is evidence of trade unions instigating transformation change and expanding climate awareness in the workplace. The principal conclusions are that workers have the interest and collective capacity to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, to address the differential impacts of climate and climate policy, and to coalesce workers to tackle climate change. The recent experience of UK trade unions suggests they have a vital role to play as climate actors and, suitably reconfigured, the capability to renew their role in the twenty-first century.     

Sociological Research and the American Working Class*

Postwar literature reveals that sociologists disagree on the composition of the working class and neglect to specify relationships among its manual, clerical, and service workers. Contrary to Marxist thought, evidence on the deskilling of working-class occupations is inconclusive. Marxist and non-Marxists agree that management has not succeeded in dictating the control of work. The literature foils to locate connections between technology, work alienation, job dissatisfaction, and the societal alienation of workers. Weakest theory and research deal with the political mobilization of the working class, which is hampered by its internal stratification and cleavages. Paradoxically, labor unions are more effective in promoting consumer interests than those of their members or other workers.     

Remaking the labour movement in Italy: the revival of strikes at Fiat-Chrysler Automobiles in 2015–17

ABSTRACT

After the Fiat-Chrysler merger in 2009, CEO Sergio Marchionne imposed a drastic reorganization of labour relations in Italy’s plants, precipitating a profound crisis of the system of industrial relations in the country. But between 2015 and 2017 a significant section of workers at Melfi, Atessa and Termoli plants went on strike against compulsory overtime and labour intensification, establishing links with grassroots unions that successfully organized in logistics. The metalworkers’ union FIOM-CGIL, however, delegitimized the union representatives who resisted Marchionne’s plans. In this article, we trace the context and development of these still little-known strikes. Because of their growing institutionalization, we argue, the confederal unions (CGIL, CISL, UIL) have both failed to mobilize workers and repressed workers’ attempts to resist the deterioration of their conditions. The strikes at FCA and in logistics, however, show that new forms of radical unionism are emerging, pointing to new possibilities for working-class organizing.     

The Role of Organized Labor in Civil Society

Organized labor has served as a valuable element of civil society. The focus of this inquiry is how the decline of organized labor contributes to the weakening of the civil sphere. I first assess how unions have historically contributed to the positive functions of civil society. I then review the various factors that have led to the deterioration of organized labor and comment on the current state of the labor movement. I conclude with a discussion of the implications in terms of civil society and market culture.     

To reward and punish: A classification of union political strategies

The complexity of union involvement in American politics has frequently been underestimated in the existing academic literature. For this reason, it is helpful to develop a comprehensive classification of the bargaining strategies adopted by unions as they interact with elected officeholders. This classification allows a more systematic analysis of the preconditions and associated advantages and disadvantages of various union strategies in both party nominating processes and general elections. It also shows that the decision to enter electoral politics is best seen as the beginning of a complex, ongoing, and multidimensional process rather than as the end-point of a “single-play” game. Lastly, the classification demonstrates that a wider range of political choice is available to organized labor than is commonly recognized, notwithstanding the real and continuing constraints on labor power.     

Culture of the Labor Movement and Work in the United States

With the resurgence of union organizing during the 1990s, a new scholarship about the labor movement has emerged, documenting and explaining this new social movement unionism. Literature on the culture of work is well developed while, generally speaking, in the scholarship about the labor movement, culture is an underdeveloped analysis. In this article, we look at the culture of market fundamentalism as the dominant way of thinking and explaining work and labor in the United States. Market fundamentalism has emerged at the same time that women and immigrants have become much more numerous among U.S. workers, and they have brought with them new cultural emphases at work and among unions. In response to market fundamentalism and with the activism of women and immigrants among others, unions have transformed their own culture toward social movement unionism and have pushed for a new culture of work.