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Conventional models of labor relations emphasize “business unionism,” that is, collective bargaining activities and outcomes. We argue that a more realistic model of behavior incorporates the union’s role as an agent of redistribution that seeks to benefit some members and union leaders primarily at the expense of other members, nonunion employees, and consumers. Union power to redistribute wealth is obtained from the special privileges that labor organizations obtain from government. This paper demonstrates how, as political entities, unions and their employers attempt to secure government-sanctioned wealth transfers through protectionism. The authors gratefully acknowledge research support provided by the Sarah Scaife Foundation and the Earhart Foundation.  相似文献   

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In the 2000 elections, organized labor mounted a“massive“ political effort. The AFL-CIO spearheaded a program that emphasized both grassroots and“checkbook” politics. Labor 2000, however, represented much more than an attempt to influence elections. Political action, dedicated to a“Working Families Agenda“ became a strategy of choice to elect candidates, influence lawmakers, mobilize union members, and recruit workers into the labor movement. In this paper, I examine Labor 2000 from a strategic-choice perspective. Specifically, I look at the scope and variety of labor's political effort; how labor allocated its political resources; the degree of competition it faced; and the election outcomes. In addition, I examine the effort in terms of its potential for transforming unions. Data from a variety of sources, some of which have not been previously used, are examined to put Labor 2000 into perspective as a strategy. The results indicate that labor did have some success in mobilizing union members politically. However, labor's impact proved insufficient to achieve immediate national election goals. Questions remain about the wisdom of political action as a strategy of choice, especially in terms of its viability as an instrument for institutional revival.  相似文献   

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Using data collected from surveys conducted in 1990 and 2000, we examine changes in the administrative practices of US-based national and international unions. We examine the hiring, human resource, financial, strategic planning, and organizational practices and how they have changed over time. We find that unions are changing their staff hiring practices in ways that contribute to workforce professionalization and that unions are moving toward more formal human resource policies and more systematic financial and strategic planning practices. These developments appear to be a reaction to the unions’ changing operating environment and reflect the pressure on union leaders to make effective use of their declining resources.
Paul F. ClarkEmail:
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We use a cross-country survey of attitudes toward work and unions, which includes a sample of managers in both the US and Canada, to explore whether there is greater attitudinal hostility to unions in the U.S. Our estimates indicate that American manager’s attitudes towards unions are, perhaps surprisingly, less hostile than those of Canadian managers. We explain this first finding by the differential effect of perceived union power, which is greater in Canada than the US and which is correlated negatively with union approval. We also find that US managers are less likely to use extreme methods to oppose union organizing drives, implying that the lower union rates in the US as compared to Canada are not likely the result of greater negativity towards unions themselves but rather some other factor or combination of factors. The implication is that if Canadian managers faced the same labor relations playing field as their US counterparts, they would likely find it easier to thwart union certification drives as well. Alternatively stated, Canadian-style labor relations reforms (such as card-check systems or quicker certification votes) could perhaps tip the balance in favor of unions when organizing in the US.  相似文献   

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Current social welfare policy planning reflects an inadequate sense of the problems to be solved and an incentive structure which discourages responsible decision making. Proceeding from overly simple cause and effect models, social welfare policies are designed with detailed administrative regulations to insure uniformity and regularity of behavior across the states. When problems are not solved, policy makers focus on the failures of personnel to follow all the detailed regulations. This leads to additional efforts to enforce compliance. There is evidence that implementation personnel consistently and purposively do stretch or ignore regulations in order to service clients. An alternative to further detailed regulations then is to use the autonomy of state units in the federal structure by eliminating negative incentives to innovation and creating incentives to experiment with alternative programs. As a social learning strategy this would encourage innovation and make it possible to learn from the experience of personnel who daily confront the realities of welfare problems and the large array of administrative details.  相似文献   

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Institutional theory has played a central role in the study of organizations for over half a century, but it often overlooks the actions of the people who bring organizations to life. This article advances an inhabited approach to institutional analysis that foregrounds the creativity of organizational members. It argues that people use local cultures to translate and respond to institutional pressures. The article analyzes qualitative data from countercultural co-op stores that have been pushed to conform to mainstream forms of business organization by a competitive market and demonstrates that translation explains why outcomes that institutional theory would not predict have come to pass.  相似文献   

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In this study, we analyze data on public opinion and attitudestoward labor unions from the iPOLL Databank at the Roper Centerfor Public Opinion Research (University of Connecticut), theAmerican National Election Study, and the Current PopulationSurvey. Despite recent developments that suggest labor unionsare in decline, we find organized labor has maintained reasonablystrong public support. Although the data indicate that Americansremain skeptical about how much confidence they can place inunions and their leaders, the results make clear that the publiccontinues to recognize the need for unions to protect the rightsof workers. These results hold potentially important implicationsfor the future of organized labor in the United States.  相似文献   

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Arguing that the fringe benefit demand function is probably discontinuous, a two-stage estimating procedure is used to estimate the continuous component of the function while correcting for selectivity bias. Results reveal an asymmetrical union impact on health and pension fringes. Although the union effect is positive for health insurance, it is nil for pension fringes. Nevertheless, unionism positively influences the likelihood that pension and health plans will be available to workers. I am grateful to the Oakland University Research Committee for grant support.  相似文献   

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This essay explores the prospects for unionism throughout the world in the next century. It begins by examining the prospects for democracy and presupposes that employee organizations will emerge in democratic societies. Although there seems to be little chance that many nondemocratic countries will embrace democracy, some form of worker organization may emerge in some of these countries. Unionism in many democratic countries, however, is waning, so the prospects for unionism throughout the world are not very good. The author is indebted to Kenneth W. Coleman for considerable guidance.  相似文献   

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In order to test competing hypotheses about the effect of unions on labor productivity, we examine research performance in a sample of 889 Ph.D.-granting departments (175 unionized) in public universities. We find no support for the hypothesis that unions enhance productivity in academe. If we compare union and nonunion departments endowed with (sample) mean amounts of labor and capital, we find that unionization is associated with a 17 percent reduction in output of published articles and a 9 percent reduction in peers’ survey evaluations of a department’s level of scholarly achievement.  相似文献   

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John Grin 《Poiesis & praxis》2004,2(2-3):157-174
In this contribution, I wish to explore the potential of health technology assessment and ethics for increasing our capacity to pre-empt the shortcomings and undesired consequences of modern health care while maintaining its benefits. Central is the presumption that in case of some health problems this cannot be done unless we explicitly reconsider some features of the modern health care system, especially those related to its strong reliance on scientific rationality and the strong role played by medical professionals. So as to both maintain the benefits of advanced health care and ensure that it produces less reason for concern, we need to reconsider our approach to rationality—and maybe even the way in which we build our health care system around that rationality. That is, we need to introduce an element of reflexivity. Two types of circumstances are being explored in which such reflexivity may prove worthwhile: controversies on side effects, and persistent problems encountered in optimising health care. Drawing on brief discussions of typical cases, we explore the potential of reflexive HTA and its methodical prerequisites. We conclude that ethicists may contribute to reflexive HTA, if they combine a hermeneutic—and often also participative—methodology with a solid understanding of the relation between the health problem under scrutiny and more general critique of the health care system. Insights from the areas of science and technology studies, as well as from social philosophy may be critical items in their tool kit.  相似文献   

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This paper uses documentary evidence, interviews, and participant observation to examine the professionalizing activities of lay midwives in Colorado. It shows that professionalization for midwives is primarily a political process. In order to gain state recognition and professional autonomy, lay midwives were forced into the political arena, where they encountered resistance from economic competitors. I argue that medical dominance over childbirth practices and professional segmentation between lay midwives and certified nurse midwives were the primary reasons Colorado lay midwives failed to achieve professional status.I would thank the Colorado midwives for their cooperation in this study. My thanks also to the reviewers for their comments on earlier drafts.  相似文献   

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