科学发展观的总体性思想根源探索

总体是一个终级圆满的存在,"科学发展观"是从总体性理论的角度引领着人类向"总体"迈进,从方法上,理论上对人类实现"总体"进行着指导。是社会进步的新的力量之源。     

浅析高校毕业生群体突发事件的应对策略

毕业生群体突发事件具有突发性和不确定性,难以预测。毕业生群体突发事件一旦发生,会造成各种各样的危害。思想政治教育的有效介入可以促使事件得以有效的解决。如果高校能正视群体突发事件,在一定程度上可以促使高校管理不断创新和进步,提升学校管理水平,化"危"为"机"。     

五四精神对新时代青年的启迪

一百年前的五四运动在中华大地上爆发,直接催生了以"爱国、进步、民主、科学"为核心内容的五四精神,五四运动极大地促进了中国社会的发展。五四精神推动人们不断追求民主进步,学习和宣传马克思主义,接受民主科学等新思想的洗礼。这种伟大精神影响着一代代的青年知识分子们为实现中华民族伟大复兴而不懈奋斗。在今天的新时代背景下,弘扬五四精神对新时代的青年们来说仍然具有重要的现实意义。     

从跨文化视角对比“人类命运共同体”与”“俄国宇宙主义”

中俄两国关系在当今的国际舞台上扮演着极其重要的角色。中俄两国虽然有着各自完全不同的历史文化传统,但两国悠久文化在促进全世界人类社会进步的历史中有着相近之处。本文从跨文化研究视角对比分析了"人类命运共同体"与"俄国宇宙主义"的相近之处,旨在促进中俄两国关系更好地向前发展。     

在短跑训练中如何进行力量练习

短跑运动是世界上最古老的田径运动项目之一.随着时代的进步,在短跑训练中,先进科学技术和科学理论不断被广泛应用,使短跑训练更加注重实效性和个性发挥,形成了以"速度"和"力量"为核心的现代短跑运动.     

基于“三全育人”理念的高校民族团结进步教育

"全员、全过程、全方位"三全育人理念,是新时代高校思想政治工作有效开展的科学指南,是新时代高校民族团结进步教育的指导思想。全员育人理念,能增强高校民族团结进步教育的参与性与互动性。全程育人理念,能保证高校民族团结进步教育稳定性与持续性。全方位育人理念,能丰富高校民族团结进步教育的方法与路径。"三全"合力,定能构建各族大团结、同进步的和谐校园。     

嵌入理论视角下智库行政化现象研究

问题提出决策咨询在我国古已有之,并随着社会历史的进步逐渐从个体发展到群体,最终成为政治体制中不可或缺的部分。如在制度设计上,秦汉的"博士组织"、唐宋的"谏官制度"、明朝的"内阁制度"、清朝的"幕府"等均具有完善的决策咨询功能。但本文所述智库仅指改革开放后专门从事政策研究与咨询的、相对稳定与独立运作的机构。本文聚焦其行政化现象,即受行政生态影响智库在运行逻辑上与政府存在重叠,并在组织行为上与政府趋同而     

用工背后的管理之殇

从年初的用工荒到现在的用工"慌",现实不能不让人对企业的管理制度与用工理念进行反思.时代在进步,员工的需求、想法也在悄然地发生着变化,反思企业用工理念,从"用"上着手,强化管理,才能够保证富士康悲剧不会再次上演.     

论认知结构对高校外语教学的影响

随着高校外语教学的改革,教学模式也随之进步。但在"教"与"学"的结合和学生对于知识的迁移方面,依然存在一些问题,教学方式和教材版本也有可以提升的空间。本文借奥苏贝尔的认知结构与有意义的学习理论阐述了高校教师在教学过程中所面临的问题与解决方法,如何根据学生的情况因材施教以及在教材编写上给出的建议。     

中美国家形象宣传片的比较分析

加入世贸组织后,中国经济快速发展,迫切的需要和世界融为一体,以加强各国对我国的了解,树立起良好的国家形象。2011年的国家形象宣传片是中国国际外交上的新里程碑,中国开始更主动、更自信的向世界展示自己的"软实力"。我们在欣喜于中国外交取得进步的同时,与美国宣传片进行比较,也发现了我们在宣传片上的不足之处。     

未能兑现的承诺

回顾奥运简史,并指出美国及亚特兰大市为第26届奥运会许下的关于公共交通、安全和团结友好等方面未能兑现的承诺。     

后奥运时期的北京体育文化产业研究

在奥运契机推动下,体育文化产业作为北京新兴文化产业的重要代表,在自身发展和推动北京城市产业格局方面都取得了长足的发展。本文以奥运背景下的北京城市体育文化产业和城市发展为关注点,首先探讨其内涵,进而深入分析其发展和城市结构演变的具体内容,并以洛杉矾、巴塞罗那等发达城市作为比较对象,讨论北京城市体育文化产业和城市发展双向推动的特点与前景。     

Symbolic violence and the Olympic Games: low-income youth,social legacy commitments,and urban exclusion in Olympic host cities

Drawing on a five-year qualitative study on the impacts of the Olympic Games on homeless and marginally housed youth in two host cities (Vancouver 2010 and London 2012), this paper explores the instances of ‘symbolic violence’ perpetuated by the institutional infrastructure associated with the Olympics. Following Pierre Bourdieu’s use of the term, symbolic violence refers to the manner in which the young people turned dominant notions of what the desirable Olympic city looks and feels like into a sense of their own non-belonging and/or inadequacy, experienced bodily and emotionally. Feeling pressured to vie for elusive Olympic jobs and volunteer positions, and to be less visible to the thousands of tourist-spectators for the Games, youth in both cities reported a defiant mix of frustrated indignation and resigned acceptance that they did not ‘fit’ the image of the global Olympic city that organizers were trying to convey. The paper argues that this social harm, difficult to measure yet real nonetheless, is an important though unintended legacy of the Olympic Games for homeless and marginally housed youth living in its shadows. The paper also calls for a more sustained engagement with Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence in youth studies as a discipline.     

SHOULD CITIES GO FOR THE GOLD? THE LONG‐TERM IMPACTS OF HOSTING THE OLYMPICS

The Summer Olympics bring hundreds of thousands of visitors and generate upward of $10 billion in spending for the host city. This large influx of tourism dollars is only part of the overall impact of hosting the Olympic Games. In order to host the visitors and sporting events, cities must make sizable investments in infrastructure such as airports, arenas, and highways. Additionally, the publicity and international exposure of a host city may benefit international trade and capital flows. Proponents argue that this investment will pay off through increased economic growth, but research confirming these claims is lacking. This paper examines whether hosting an Olympiad improves a city's long‐term growth. In order to control for the self‐selection of cities that host Olympic Games, this paper matches Olympic host cities with cities that were finalists for the Olympic Games, but were not selected by the International Olympic Committee. A difference‐in‐difference estimator examines post‐Olympic impacts for host cities between 1950 and 2005. Regression results provide no long‐term impacts of hosting an Olympics on two measures of population, real Gross Domestic Product per capita and trade openness. (JEL O18, R11)     

点燃激情，传递梦想(英文)

如今.象征着和平、友谊和希望的奥林匹克圣火已经点燃。以"和谐之旅"为主题的北京奥运会火炬接力也拉开了帷幕,从而奏响北京2008年奥运会精彩的序曲。圣火将在"祥云"火炬的承载下传遍世界各地和整个中国.有史以来.这是奥林匹亚圣火和中国人民最近距离的亲密接触。     

Medals,media and myth of national images: How Chinese audiences thought of foreign countries during the Beijing Olympics

This study examines whether the performance of a country in the Olympics would affect its national image in the eyes of a Chinese audience. Guided by the theoretical perspectives of agenda setting and cultivation analysis, the project intends to test whether the highly publicized Olympic Games have a globally accepted effect of bolstering national image, as politicians and governments claim they do. Based on data from panel surveys and the 2004 and 2008 Olympic Medal Index, this study found that the overall performance of a country in the Olympic Games was positively correlated with both its current and comparative scores of national image in the minds of Chinese audiences. However, an increase in the number of medals collected during the two Olympics by developing countries did not benefit national image. Agenda setting theorizes that only a few top agendas can successfully draw attention from the public. National image is a very stable perception built by macro and long-term factors. For most countries, their overall performance in the Olympic Games varies within a limited range. As long as a developed country can stay within its tier, its national image is not likely to diminish. Meanwhile, as long as a developing country is unable to enter the “elite club” of Olympic champions, winning a few medals will not lead to a positive change in its national image.     

Olympic Films and Public Memory

How is our memory of mega‐events structured? This article investigates the relationship between cinema and the Olympic Games. To this end, it first unravels the historical origins of the strong link between the two, as both are symbolic products of the 20th century. The Olympics reaffirm the image of the modern nation‐state; the cinematic medium visually represents the Games as spectacle. Leni Riefenstahl's film, Olympia (1938), recorded at the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games, supplies the most enduring imagery of this type. In addition to Riefenstahl's thoughts and methods, this study delves into Kon Ichikawa's Tokyo Olympiad (1965), which was influenced by Olympia. Ichikawa's film, which reflects his artistry and showcases his various skills, won critical acclaim and, intriguingly, precipitated the “document or art” controversy that involved the Japanese state and the mass media. Whether document or work of art, this film has supplied the public with imagery for the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games—various images that most of us recognize—and thereby played a key role in constituting our memory of them. Therefore, our experience of the Games is a mediated experience through the construction of our public memory. Our memory culture is composed of “prosthetic memories” that are technologically assembled through cinema and act as Freudian “screen memories.”     

“Creative Reconstruction” and the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games: How Does the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games Influence Japan's Neoliberal Social Reform?

This article critically examines the vision of Japanese society expressed in the idea of a legacy for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games primarily for an internal, domestic audience. This legacy is consistent with the national reconstruction policy adopted after the Great East Japan earthquake of 11 March 2011. The specific issue I focus on here is the centrality of the term “creative reconstruction” to the legacy discourse on the Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games. By interweaving discussions about three places—the Tohoku disaster area, the Tokyo Olympic venue, and Japanese society—this discourse creates an apparently mutual interdependence between the three. Here I assess the idea of this ideological Olympic legacy where these relationships of interdependence are represented as a blueprint for restructuring the system of capital accumulation in Japan. The structure of the article is as follows. First, I provide an overview of creative reconstruction in Japan in comparison with other terms recently used to assess sports mega‐events such as the Olympics. Next, I briefly outline the political transformation of the social integration system from the mid‐1990s, when the phrase creative reconstruction was first used to the present. In the following three sections I discuss the way that each of the key terms in the discourse—Tohoku, Tokyo, and Japan—has been deployed. This article concludes with reflections on the social and political implications of this discourse for Japanese society in the build up to the 2020 Tokyo Olympic Games.     

On the Olympic Games: An Afterword

The article discusses some of the issues that sociologists research with respect to the Olympic Games.     

Human rights and the Beijing Olympics: imagined global community and the transnational public sphere

The Olympic Games are increasingly used by non-governmental organizations to demand transnational forms of accountability from public authorities. This article assesses the effectiveness of transnational public opinion surrounding the Beijing 2008 Olympics, when the pressure of Western public opinion was exerted upon the government of the world's most populous non-Western nation to improve its human rights record. Utilizing the concepts of 'imagined global community' and 'transnational public sphere', it finds that the Olympic Games had helped to call into existence a transnational public that ran up against the obstacle posed by the incomplete formation of supra-national forms of governance. The International Olympic Committee, a non-governmental organization, was a weak substitute. Because of the strong desire of Chinese people to take part in transnational deliberations, the article concludes with optimism about the potential of transnational public spheres that include Chinese people to develop toward more effective forms of transnational governance. But the IOC must strengthen the voice of its non-Western members, and Western interlocutors, including the media, must accept their share of the responsibility for creating the conditions for egalitarian dialogue.