美国族群问题及其破解对策

美国是一个多族群的国家,族群之间的矛盾和斗争充斥着整个美国历史发展过程。"二战"之后,特别是20世纪80年代以来,由于白人至上主义和极右思潮的抬头,美国族群关系更趋于紧张。然而,在前苏联、南斯拉夫这些多族群国家解体的后冷战时代,美国却能够保持相对稳定的族群关系。这主要得益于其不断完善的法律制度、多元与一体的相对平衡,以及不断改进的社会保障制度等因素。由于美国族群政策是建立在资本主义私有制基础之上的,具有不可避免的局限性,因而对美国的族群政策应重于研究、分析,慎于借鉴。     

论大国竞争背景下美国对华海上博弈

美国自喻为海洋国家,控制海洋不仅是保护其地缘政治和商业利益的需要,也是其称霸世界的手段。美国正倾全力转向大国竞争,美军从冷战后控制沿海区域和由沿海向陆地投送影响力转向既控制沿海,又主导大洋。从地缘政治和军事等方面考察,不论是美国的“印太战略”“海洋控制”,还是“太平洋威慑计划”和“分布式杀伤链”战法,都表明美国把与中国战略竞争的方向放在海上,特别是西太平洋。近代以来,中国遭受的帝国主义侵略大多来自海上。2012年,中共十八大提出“建设海洋强国”的战略目标。2015年中国国防白皮书强调,海洋关系到中国的长治久安和可持续发展。因此,经略好海洋成为中华民族复兴的大计。从时空上看,美国回归海洋控制与中国建设海洋强国正形成剧烈对冲。近年来,两国在东海、台海和南海的对峙背后是传统海洋大国与新崛起海洋国家在构建海上力量平衡的必然结果。在大国战略竞争的环境下,这场围绕海洋权益的博弈将决定未来两国关系走向与状态。     

Free trade,food-processing,and migration: An analysis of Mexican immigration in the U.S. Great Plains Region

This paper empirically identifies the factors driving Mexican immigration into the U.S. Great Plains region, focusing especially on the role of work in the Mexican and U.S. food-processing sectors, which in the context of NAFTA-induced foreign direct investments, opens up paths for migration along occupational lines into the U.S. from Mexico. Using a unique dataset on Mexican migration, the study addresses three related questions in a series of multivariate logistic regression analyses. First, is employment in the U.S. food-processing sector associated with Mexican migration into the Great Plains region? Second, does employment in the Mexican food-processing sector predict employment in the Great Plains food-processing sector? Finally, is the political–economic context linking Mexico and the U.S. related to the formation of occupational channels linking the food-processing sectors in Mexico and the U.S.? The findings demonstrate that the U.S. food-processing sector is a strong predictor of Mexican migration to the Great Plains region; Mexican migration is strongly channeled along occupational lines from Mexico to the U.S.; and the implementation of NAFTA, a period of intensive political–economic integration, strengthens the occupational channel between the food-processing sectors.     

Sheriffs,right-wing extremism,and the limits of U.S. federalism during a crisis

Background

During the COVID-19 crisis, sheriffs across the country vocally refused to implement mask mandates.

Objectives

In this note, we argue that resistance to mask mandates emerged out of successful efforts to recruit sheriffs into right-wing extremism (RWE) and its foundations in white supremacy, nativism, and anti-government extremism.

Methods

We draw on upon historical analysis and a national survey of sheriffs

Results

We show how RWE movements recruited sheriffs and that a substantial share of sheriffs adopted RWE attitudes. We argue that this radicalization of county sheriffs primes them to resist a core component of federalism: mandates by supra governments. We identify a relationship between sheriffs. RWE attitudes and their resistance to enforcing COVID-19 mask mandates.

Conclusion

Our work demonstrates the importance of considering the implications of violent extremism in the United States, particularly as it aligns with local law enforcement.     

Seeking Safety and Humanity in the Harshest Immigration Climate in a Generation: A Review of the Literature on the Effects of Separation and Detention on Migrant and Asylum-Seeking Children and Families in the United States during the Trump Administration

In recent years, families with children from the Northern Triangle countries of Central America constitute a large and growing proportion of migrants and overall filed asylum claims. In an effort to deter overall immigration through the U.S.–Mexico border, the executive branch under the Trump administration has made substantial changes to federal immigration and asylum policy in recent years. Given the sensitive nature of early development and the hardship and trauma that many migrant children have experienced, immigration policies that do not prioritize child wellbeing, and in fact, neglect or harm it, can have lifelong negative consequences on physical and psychological wellbeing. In light of the scope of children and families affected by these policies and potential magnitude of their effects, the present review aimed to: 1) outline federal immigration policies under the Trump administration that primarily impacted migrant children and families; 2) review the research base regarding the effects of these policies on physical safety and health, development, mental health, family wellbeing, and education; and 3) provide policy recommendations to prevent further harm, mitigate the great harm already done, and prioritize child wellness moving forward. Findings from the review indicate that even short experiences of detention, particularly when children are separated from parents and caregivers, are associated with serious, lasting negative effects across every domain of functioning. The practices of separation, detention, and removal to temporary encampments compound traumatic experiences that migrant families are often fleeing, which in turn may set up already vulnerable children for a trajectory of continued marginalization. Future directions for research and implications for policy and practice are discussed.     

When the Export of Social Problems Is No Longer Possible: Immigration Policies and Unemployment in Switzerland

Throughout the twentieth century, Switzerland has been one of the OECD countries with the highest proportion of immigrants in its population. The aim of this article is to show how institutional factors have shaped the opportunities for change in immigration and immigrant‐employment‐related policies there in the 1990s. Whereas unemployment had remained low in the 1970s and 1980s, there was a marked increase at the beginning of the 1990s. Existing migration policies were considered a central cause of this increase, since the great majority of foreigners who had come and settled in Switzerland in the periods of economic expansion were low‐skilled, and were now over‐represented among the unemployed. The reforms undertaken in the field of immigration and integration policy to respond to these new problems have been determined by specific institutional factors: direct democracy, a defensive migration regime, the development of immigrant rights and the weak autonomy of the central state. These factors account to a large extent for the limited scope and specific pathways of policy reforms in these two domains.     

美国与《联合国海洋法公约》

《联合国海洋法公约》是迄今为止最广泛、最全面、最有影响的管理和规范海洋活动的国际公约,已经并将继续对国际政治、经济和社会产生重大影响。美国虽然积极参与了《公约》的谈判和制订,但时至今日仍未批准《公约》,令人费解。本文回顾了美国与《联合国海洋法公约》的渊源,通过《公约》对于美国国家利益关联性的论述,探究美国未批准加入《公约》的缘由。本文认为,随着国际海洋形势和美国自身实力等因素的不断变化,美国出于自身利益考虑,批准《公约》是大势所趋。美国一旦批准《公约》,必将附加对其更加有利的额外声明、条件等,对此,我们应予以关注。     

The Role of Cultural Inertia in Reactions to Immigration on the U.S./Mexico Border

Assimilation and multiculturalism are often contrasted as opposite interethnic ideologies about cultural integration. Here, we address models of assimilation and multiculturalism and how group identity influences attitudes toward immigrants. One overlooked issue concerns the dynamic processes involved in integration. It is proposed that cultural inertia, defined as the desire to avoid cultural change, or conversely, to continue change once it is already occurring, can account for a number of seemingly discrepant findings. In particular, cultural inertia predicts that majority groups should prefer assimilation type models, whereas minority groups should prefer multicultural models. Resistance to change is the mediating process. Cultural inertia is used as a model to understand discrepant attitudes toward assimilation and multiculturalism across different groups.     

Breaking down ideas and institutions: the politics of tax policy in the USA and the UK

As the existing comparative policy literature suggests, both ideational and institutional analyses have clear analytical value in their own terms but, under many circumstances, it is the combination of the two perspectives that allows for a full understanding of policy trajectories. In this article we suggest that, to improve our understanding of how ideas and institutions interact to produce change, it is important to break down these two overly broad concepts. This is because beyond general arguments about how ‘ideas’ and ‘institutions’ interact, students of public policy should itemize ‘ideas’ and ‘institutions’ into more focused, and empirically traceable, subcategories while recognizing the changing and contingent nature of their interaction, over time. To illustrate this, we turn to the politics of tax policy in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, tracking developments from the rise of the New Right and an aggressive income tax cutting agenda, personified by President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher, through to the revived debate about the legitimacy of increasing taxes on those earning the highest incomes that emerged in the era of austerity that followed the Great Recession of 2008.     

The dynamics of specific and diffuse support for the U.S. Supreme Court: A panel study

Prior inconsistencies in studies regarding specific and diffuse support for the U.S. Supreme Court have largely resulted from confusing two related yet distinct concepts: the level of diffuse support at a given moment, and change in the level of diffuse support over time. The results of a panel study show that specific support is related to both concepts but in different ways. Overall approval of the Supreme Court positively influences the level of diffuse support at a given moment. However, an individual's reaction to a particular Court decision is mediated by pre-existing ideological tension between the individual and the Court, and can cause a sudden change in that individual's diffuse support level. Post-stimulus diffuse support regeneration within an individual is related to support for democratic norms, awareness of the Court, and satisfaction with other governmental institutions.     

Experiential design and religious publicity at D.C.’s Museum of the Bible

ABSTRACT

This article examines the sensory dimension of religious publicity, focused on the case of an evangelical museum in the United States. Washington D.C.’s Museum of the Bible (MOTB) was envisioned and funded primarily by conservative Protestants, and is a revealing case of religion in public life because most of the creative labor of design was conceived and executed by secular firms who do not typically work for faith-based clients. The professional expertise of these firms, “experiential design,” informs a sea change in contemporary museology and the expansion of the experience economy in late modernity. Ultimately, I argue that MOTB’s engagement with experiential design indexes the power of entertainment in late modern life, as the sensory repertoire at play operates with largely unquestioned legitimacy and presumed efficacy. By mobilizing the cultural capital of design, an evangelical museum makes a claim for diverse audiences in a deeply public setting.     

How to Design a "Liberal" Welfare State: A Comparison of Canada and the United States

My aim in this paper is to show how differences in the programmatic design of two otherwise "liberal" welfare regimes have generated substantially different patterns of welfare state retrenchment and distributive outcomes since the 1970s. Welfare regimes are distinguished by the principles and rules that regulate transactions between the three institutional nuclei from which individuals derive their "welfare" in modern capitalist societies—the state, the market, and the family. Liberal regimes are characterized by a preference for market solutions to welfare problems. While Canada and the United States both represent paradigmatic instances of the liberal regime type, there are long-standing differences in methods both of financing and distributing benefits. Differences in programme design led to substantially different retrenchment strategies from the end of the 1970s, which in turn produced dramatically different distributive outcomes: rising inequality and poverty rates in the United States compared to relative stability in the distribution of income among Canadian families.     

日美经济:20世纪90年代截然不同的表现

198 7年 10月 ,在一个被称为“黑色星期一”的日子 ,纽约股市暴跌 ,美国经济开始步入萧条期。 1988和 1989两年 ,美国有成百家银行因不良债权问题而破产 ,就连 1990年还是美国最大银行的花旗银行的股价也因经营不善跌到了一位数。与之对照 ,为阻止日元升值 ,日本银行于 1987年 2月将再贴现率调到空前的低水平 (2 5 % ) ,导致大量游资流向土地、股票市场 ,引起了地价、股价的飚升 ,日本经济出现了 6 0年代高速增长期以来从未有过的繁荣景象。在萧条的美国与繁荣的日本形成鲜明对照的情况下 ,美国政治家敲响了警钟 :“冷战结束了 ,输的是苏联…     

Labour Market Policy in the United States, Canada and Sweden: Addressing the Issue of Convergence

'Convergence theorists' suggest that domestic and/or global challenges and pressures are rendering welfare states broadly similar across national boundaries. 'Resilience theorists', in contrast, argue that a range of socio-political factors have allowed states to respond differentially to these pressures and maintain their distinct national social policy approaches. However, both research streams have addressed the 'welfare state' writ large in a multitude of nations and typically relied upon narrow, quantitative budgetary indicators. This study examines qualitative changes to key income security and social service programmes in one central social policy domain – labour market policy – in three nations, the United States, Canada and Sweden. It suggests that there is evidence of some degree of 'convergence' in the broadest sense of the term across these three nations. However, while both the USA and Canada have readily embraced genuinely neo-liberal restructuring, and become increasingly similar over the past two decades in this policy area, Sweden has managed to retain its distinctive social policy approach so far, despite notable changes, developments and trends. It also suggests that the character and direction of change may vary across and within policy domains in a single nation. The conclusion provides a discussion of universality, equality and solidarity, concepts that are commonly employed in accounts of welfare state change.     

对美国硅谷奇迹的思考

硅谷的奇迹产生的原因是多方面的:(1)高校的体制创新孕育了硅谷的奇迹,(2)创业资本和风险投资为硅谷的企业创新插上翅膀,(3)美国政府的支持。我们也应借鉴美国硅谷的成功经验,发展我国的高新技术开发区。     

The United States Agency for International Development and forest loss: A cross-national analysis of environmental aid

Among scholars of international development, there is a debate regarding the effectiveness of bilateral aid to improve the natural environment. Here we focus on evaluating whether United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) aid in the environmental sector reduces forest loss. Little empirical evidence exists on this question, partly because of the challenge of modeling such a relationship, given the problem of endogeneity whereby the same social, political, or economic processes that affect forest loss may also be correlated with a nation receiving aid from international donors. We contribute to this debate by utilizing a two-stage instrumental variable regression model to analyze cross-national data for a sample of 74 low and middle income nations. After controlling for potential endogeneity, we find that higher levels of USAID’s aid for environmental protection correspond with lower rates of forest loss. We also find that a forest’s proximity to infrastructure, agricultural and forestry exports, agricultural land area, and tropical climate are related to increased forest loss.