穆萨·萨德尔与黎什叶派

穆萨·萨德尔1928年出生在伊朗,1954～1957年在伊拉克求学,1959年来到黎巴嫩,成为黎巴嫩什叶派宗教和政治领袖,使什叶派进入黎巴嫩的权力中心,什叶派宗教领袖成为一种政治力量.可以说,他改变了黎巴嫩什叶派,也改变了黎巴嫩.     

多维视角下的阿塞拜疆什叶派问题

政治化程度较低和教派关系融洽是阿塞拜疆什叶派区别于黎巴嫩、伊拉克等国什叶派的显著特征。16世纪初伊朗萨法维王朝将什叶派定为国教,加速了阿塞拜疆人的什叶派化进程。19世纪初期以来沙俄和苏联的先后统治,给阿塞拜疆留下了深厚的世俗化遗产。1991年独立之后,阿塞拜疆的宗教政策以世俗化为核心,大致经历了温和规范、严格管控和局部调整三个时期。在此背景下,什叶派以宗教为旗帜的政治化主要包括两种表现形式,即巴库聚礼清真寺社团的温和政治参与和纳达兰村的激进政治抗争。什叶派大国伊朗虽然力图以多种方式影响阿塞拜疆什叶派,但效果比较有限。当前,虽然阿塞拜疆什叶派与政府存在一定矛盾,但远未达到对抗的程度,弱政治化和弱教派认同将是阿塞拜疆什叶派发展的长期现象。     

什叶派集体认同与黎巴嫩民族国家构建

19世纪中叶以来,现代黎巴嫩民族国家逐渐形成。黎马龙派、逊尼派和德鲁兹派接受了以黎巴嫩为“永恒祖国”的原则,并将之作为构建黎巴嫩民族国家的基础。但黎什叶派传统的以封建家族首领为核心的教派认同,在经历了阿拉伯民族主义的挑战后,转变为以什叶派政治组织和民兵武装为基础的新什叶派教派认同。这种集体认同所具有的亲伊朗和叙利亚的属性,对构建黎巴嫩民族国家形成挑战。     

什叶派集体认同与黎巴嫩民族国家构建

19世纪中叶以来,现代黎巴嫩民族国家逐渐形成.黎马龙派、逊尼派和德鲁兹派接受了以黎巴嫩为"永恒祖国"的原则,并将之作为构建黎巴嫩民族国家的基础.但黎什叶派传统的以封建家族首领为核心的教派认同,在经历了阿拉伯民族主义的挑战后,转变为以什叶派政治组织和民兵武装为基础的新什叶派教派认同.这种集体认同所具有的亲伊朗和叙利亚的属性,对构建黎巴嫩民族国家形成挑战.     

海湾地区“什叶派新月带”兴起的宗教政治影响

伊拉克战争推翻萨达姆政权造成的一个最重要结果就是,解除了伊拉克对伊朗什叶派神权政府的多年遏制,还使得伊拉克什叶派在战后政治重建中逐步占据了政治主导地位。随着伊朗什叶派政权和伊拉克什叶派势力的联系日益加强,他们已在海湾地区形成了一股强大的什叶派宗教政治势力。在其影响下,周边其他逊尼派国家内部的什叶派民众纷纷要求扩大政治权力,逊尼派君主制国家政府也感到了什叶派神权思想反对君主制度的严峻压力。目前,正在日益兴起并标志着伊朗伊斯兰革命第二阶段的“什叶派新月带”,已经改变了海湾地区什叶派长期遭受逊尼派压制的传统局面,并直接关系到拥有世界最大石油资源的海湾地区的安全秩序和政治前景。     

海湾地区“什叶派新月带”兴起的宗教政治影响

伊拉克战争推翻萨达姆政权造成的一个最重要结果就是,解除了伊拉克对伊朗什叶派神权政府的多年遏制,还使得伊拉克什叶派在战后政治重建中逐步占据了政治主导地位.随着伊朗什叶派政权和伊拉克什叶派势力的联系日益加强,他们已在海湾地区形成了一股强大的什叶派宗教政治势力.在其影响下,周边其他逊尼派国家内部的什叶派民众纷纷要求扩大政治权力,逊尼派君主制国家政府也感到了什叶派神权思想反对君主制度的严峻压力.目前,正在日益兴起并标志着伊朗伊斯兰革命第二阶段的"什叶派新月带",已经改变了海湾地区什叶派长期遭受逊尼派压制的传统局面,并直接关系到拥有世界最大石油资源的海湾地区的安全秩序和政治前景.     

当代埃及什叶派问题的形成及政治化演进

什叶派穆斯林是当代埃及社会的一个宗教少数群体。当代埃及的什叶派问题发轫于萨达特执政末期,并在穆巴拉克政权时期升级为严重的政治和安全问题。中东剧变爆发后,埃及什叶派因公开提出政治和宗教权利诉求,导致其公开活动的空间进一步受到压缩。埃及什叶派问题的形成与恶化是内外诸多因素联动的结果,其中埃及国内政治、伊朗和沙特在地区的教派政治角力等构成了主要的内部和外部因素。埃及什叶派问题未来能否得到解决,主要取决于其宗教少数派地位能否得到宪法认可、政治参与能否获得政府信任以及国内教派矛盾能否实现和解三个方面。     

伊朗的宗教地缘战略分析

伊朗宗教地缘战略是指伊朗积极利用宗教纽带构建以伊朗为中心、涵盖伊拉克、叙利亚、黎巴嫩以及其他什叶派居住地区的势力范围的战略谋划。伊朗的宗教地缘战略建立在宗教认同的基础之上,而非伊斯兰革命的意识形态上,虽引起了国际社会的不安,但具有防御性和理性特点。鲁哈尼时期,伊朗将会对其宗教地缘战略有所克制,但不会放弃。     

十二伊玛目支派初期的政治思想研究

强调先知家族在先知继承人问题上的重要意义、伊玛目是安拉前定的原则、伊玛目资格的指定原则和知识原则、伊玛目的宗教领袖和精神领袖地位以及不参与现实政治事务的思想是什叶派十二伊玛目支派初期政治思想的主要内涵。该思想的形成与发展与该派形成初期面临的社会历史条件密切相关。     

当代阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛政治化探析

阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛政治化经历了一个渐进的过程。19世纪末和20世纪初,中东什叶派乌里玛曾在伊朗烟草抗议事件、伊朗立宪运动和伊拉克反英斗争三大事件中表现出空前的政治热情。20世纪50年代末和60年代初,因受到世俗化冲击下的宗教危机、乌里玛自身生存危机和日益严重的教派政治危机的影响,什叶派乌里玛开始积极参与政治。伊拉克两大什叶派圣城纳杰夫和卡尔巴拉是什叶派乌里玛政治化的源头,阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛通过"纳杰夫网络"和设拉子派实现了政治化。阿拉伯什叶派乌里玛的政治化产生了多重影响。     

试析伊斯兰教主要教派早期的政治思想

伊斯兰各教派中,哈瓦利吉派和什叶派最具政治色彩.先知穆罕默德归真后,围绕政权归属问题,两派相继提出过自己的观点.哈瓦利吉派的观点和行为比较激进,后由于种种原因,较早地退出了历史舞台;什叶派则在发展过程中,形成了自己的伊玛目理论.伊玛目存在的必须性、合法性以及权威性构成了什叶派参与政治的理论基础.     

试析伊斯兰教主要教派早期的政治思想

伊斯兰各教派中,哈瓦利吉派和什叶派最具政治色彩。先知穆罕默德归真后,围绕政权归属问题,两派相继提出过自己的观点。哈瓦利吉派的观点和行为比较激进,后由于种种原因,较早地退出了历史舞台;什叶派则在发展过程中,形成了自己的伊玛目理论。伊玛目存在的必须性、合法性以及权威性构成了什叶派参与政治的理论基础。     

Meeting God: When Organizational Members Come Face to Face with the Supreme Leader

This paper focuses on a theme which features innumerous organizational stories, in whichan ordinary member of of an organization comes face toface with the organization's top leader. This themeechoes not only the archetypical religious scene ofmeeting God as supreme judge, but also severalwell-known scenes in drama, opera, and literature.Through a psychoanalytic study of this theme, a set ofprimal phantasies projected by organizational membersonto their leaders are explored. The paper also throwsinto sharp relief the underlying asymmetry of therelationship between leader and follower: while the follower may shake the leader's hand once, theleader will shake innumerable hands. The paper is basedon a detailed interpretation of three narrativessupplied by students, drawn from 6-month industrial placements (internships) which they undertookas part of their studies. In the first narrative, astudent describes her encounter with the leader inalmost religious terms as a liminal moment in her life; the student idealizes the leader who serves asa role model. In the second narrative, the student feelsshunned by a leader who is inadequately briefed for hismeeting with her; she proceeds to demonize the leader as well as the entire organization.In the third narrative, a student loses his faith in hisdepartmental head, when he realizes that he is not trulyindependent bur merely follows directives from above. The three narratives are used toidentify four core fantasies about the lader: (1) theleader as someone who cares for his/her followers; (2)the leader as someone accessible; (3) the leader as someone who is omnipotent and omniscient;and (4) the leader as someone who has a legitimate claimto lead others. Two groups of follower fantasies arethen examined. The charismatic and the messianic. It is then suggested that the leader may beseen as a reincarnation of the primal mother, restoringthe members narcissism and rewarding them for who theyare rather than for what they have achieved.Alternatively, the leader may be envisioned more closely tothe Freudian image of father substitute, who rewards andpunishes, arousing at once fear, loyalty, jealousy, andsuspicion. It is suggested that the former is close to Kohut's account of charismaticleadership fantasy, while the latter is closer to hisaccount of messianic leadership fantasy.     

The Origins of Popular Opposition to Palestinian Resettlement in Lebanon

Using original public opinion data, this study addresses the reasons behind the growing popular opposition to Palestinian resettlement in Lebanon. It argues that the origins of this opposition are correlated to the religious composition of the population and to the degree of social distance displayed by the Lebanese towards the Palestinians as members of a distinct community. The results revealed that Lebanese respondents are much less likely to support Palestinian resettlement in Lebanon if they display prejudice and hostility toward Palestinians. In addition, sectarian affiliation is a major predictor of attitude toward resettlement. Specifically, Christian and Shii respondents expressed unfavorable views toward resettlement, in contrast to Sunni and Druze respondents who manifested positive support for resettlement. Hence, for most Lebanese the question of Palestinian resettlement extends to their own political survival. If the existing attitudes hold, resettlement threatens to undermine Lebanon's pluralist character and consensus political arrangement, with implications for the entire region.     

Contexts of Faith: The Religious Foundation of Walter Ong's Literacy and Orality

As priest and teacher, Walter Ong never separated his religious sensibility from his scholarship. Writing often about religious topics, he tells how he came to the fundamental insight (first articulated in Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue; Ong, 1958b) through his theological studies of the biblical Hebrew culture. Other aspects of his communication studies bear the mark of his religious vision, one sharing common elements with the theology of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, whose writings he introduced to an American readership in the 1950s. Other religious influences on Ong's work range from his study of Thomistic philosophy and theology in the seminary to his literary studies of the religious poetry of Gerard Manley Hopkins.     

The Virgin Mary and Revolution in Saint-Domingue: The Charisma of Romaine-la-Prophétesse

Drawing on historical analyses of the role of religion in the Haitian Revolution and on neo-Weberian discussions of charisma, this article offers new insights into the background of Romaine-la-Prophétesse, a religious leader of slave insurrections in Saint-Domingue whose campaign lasted from the summer of 1791 to March of the following year. Worsley and Bourdieu's interactionist model of charismatic authority is used to orient consideration of the Kongolese religious and ideological influences on Romaine's movement and his radically subversive appropriation of the symbol of the Virgin Mary. The article suggests that Romaine-la-Prophétesse may have himself been native Kongolese, while clearly demonstrating that his message drew heavily on Kongolese thought, in which terms is his charismatic authority to be understood.     

“We are all Hizbullah now”: narrating the Party of God

This essay is the first examination of the literary output of the Lebanese political party and militia Hizbullah. It examines a series of little-known fiction and non-fiction texts including novels, memoirs and autobiographies by Hizbullah fighters, supporters and sympathisers. At the same time, it seeks to place such Hizbullah narratives within the context not only of the Party’s media strategy but of the publishing industry in Lebanon more widely. The essay also argues that Hizbullah narratives consistently explore a cluster of key themes including the Karbala tragedy, Anti-Zionism and, in particular, the “infitah” or “Lebanonisation” of the Party. In conclusion, the essay argues that narratives of Hizbullah reflect the Party’s own gradual evolution over its 30-year existence from a purely sectarian group to a broader resistance movement that attracts support from across the religious and political spectrum.     

High-cost religion, religious switching, and health

Previous research has devoted significant attention to understanding the link between health and personal religious beliefs and practices, typically finding that more religious people tend to have better health. However, almost no attention has been given to how switching religious groups or leaving religion altogether is related to self-reported health. Due to selection and causation mechanisms, switching from high-cost groups that are theologically and culturally exclusive could be associated with poor health more than switching from other religious groups. Using data from the 1972 through 2006 General Social Surveys, we examine the relationship between health and religious switching as moderated by the religious tradition of origin. We find that people who are raised and stay in high-cost sectarian groups, such as the Latter-day Saints and Jehovah's Witnesses, have better self-reported health than those raised and staying in other religious traditions. However, people who leave such groups are more likely to report worse health than those who leave other groups.     

The self-defined experience of secular foster-care services for ultra-religious women in Israel: Using phenomenology to create cultural sensitive services

This paper qualitatively explores how foster parents from a religious minority group – more specifically foster parents from the Jewish ultra-orthodox sector in Israel experience the act of fostering through secular welfare services. Central themes that the women raised include religious spiritual beliefs as enhancing positive meaning of the act of foster care: Ambivalence of other women in the community because of fostering through external state services: The husband and religious leader as a central support due to the spiritual meanings of foster care. The central themes in terms of the secular services were their role as a protective financial base for creating a clear contract concerning the foster care as compared to informal fostering within the community and a culturally sanctioned exposure to psychological concepts and secular childcare practices. Lack of understanding of the secular welfare services of the importance of each group within their community was also stated as a challenge. Overall, the findings reveal the complex ways that these ultra-religious women from a very closed community negotiate and integrate resources from within their community and from the secular foster services outside of their community. Implications for creating culturally adapted secular foster services for Ultra-orthodox Jewish women are discussed, as are the methodological implications of exploring phenomenological experience of minority groups of foster care services as a base for culturally sensitive understanding, is discussed.