Exploring Poetry as Philosophy of Communication

This article shows that philosophy of communication offers a constructive lens, and an open, invitational structure, for analyzing poetic texts as “philosophical pictures” that give expression to the depths of human reality beyond rational thought. I first offer a brief discussion on poetic knowledge as an intimate way of knowing that is prerational and prescientific. Next, I present a discussion on poetry and existential attentiveness through an examination of Rainer Maria Rilke’s prose poem “For the Sake of a Single Poem” that further illustrates the discussion on poetic knowledge. This discussion is textured through Jean Luc-Nancy’s writing about poetry and sense, and a poetic “dawning of sense” from his essay “Making Poetry.” Before the final section that analyzes a specific poem highlighting two philosophical themes (“Learning to See” and “Exposed Heart”), there is a discussion of “philosophical pictures.” Finally, I examine Rilke’s poem “Turning Point” and present a philosophical reading of the poem that guides us in our collective communicative existence, offering ways of seeing (seeing others as an object or through “being-with”) and ways of being-in-the-world (relation of self/other), as well as opening up possibilities of relating with “tact” and “love.”     

Public sphere as assemblage: the cultural politics of roadside memorialization

This paper investigates contemporary academic accounts of the public sphere. In particular, it takes stock of post‐Habermasian public sphere scholarship, and acknowledges a lively and variegated debate concerning the multiple ways in which individuals engage in contemporary political affairs. A critical eye is cast over a range of key insights which have come to establish the parameters of what ‘counts’ as a/the public sphere, who can be involved, and where and how communicative networks are established. This opens up the conceptual space for re‐imagining a/the public sphere as an assemblage. Making use of recent developments in Deleuzian‐inspired assemblage theory – most especially drawn from DeLanda's (2006) ‘new philosophy of society’ – the paper sets out an alternative perspective on the notion of the public sphere, and regards it as a space of connectivity brought into being through a contingent and heterogeneous assemblage of discursive, visual and performative practices. This is mapped out with reference to the cultural politics of roadside memorialization. However, a/the public sphere as an assemblage is not simply a ‘social construction’ brought into being through a logic of connectivity, but is an emergent and ephemeral space which reflexively nurtures and assembles the cultural politics (and political cultures) of which it is an integral part. The discussion concludes, then, with a consideration of the contribution of assemblage theory to public sphere studies. (Also see Campbell 2009a)     

A lame argument: profoundly disabled embodiment as critical gender politics

In this paper I explore how disabled embodiment offers radical theory and practice for gender politics. I use Adrienne Rich’s classic treaties ‘lesbian existence [and] the lesbian continuum’ and Judith Butler’s twenty-first-century queer interrogation of ‘the category of The Human’ to highlight the exclusion of disablement from gender politics despite its radical potential for theory and praxis. Using a crip ethos I not only explore the consequences of this exclusion for disabled people, but also the resultant limitations of able-bodied perception, theory and practice. A crip ethos facilitates politics and practices where disabled embodiment becomes a profound, severe, and radical challenge to normativity in all its aspects, and a vehicle through which to move beyond such restrictive frameworks.     

Nanny politics

This article examines the new migration of Peruvian domestic workers into Santiago, Chile, where laws protecting the labor rights of household workers have recently been strengthened. Through field observations and interviews, we found that employers were disgruntled with Chilean workers who had begun to assert demands. Many of them preferred Peruvian workers, not because the labor was cheaper, but because foreign workers were more compelled to perform a traditional deference and servility. We argue that the Peruvian migrants' relative disempowerment was the product not only of the economic inequality between states, but also the process of migration itself, as well as popular ideological discourses about development, race and gender that rationalized and perpetuated a transnational division of labor in the household. Ultimately, this study illustrates how the role of the ‘servile’ woman in the household persists when women are transnationally mobile, despite the growing empowerment of both professional and working-class Chilean women in the public sphere. The article concludes with recommendations for change to improve the conditions of both native-born and foreign domestic workers.     

Viewpoint - romantic fictions: the re-emergence of the crime as politics debate

Arising out of current debates in criminology over the nature of black criminality and black crime statistics, this paper focuses specifically on the argument that black/working class crime represents a form of political action. Attempts to infuse working class crime with political status have a sociological pedigree stretching back at least to the 1960s. This paper examines the links between contemporary and earlier work in this field, and critically appraises what are seen as often over-romanticised formulations. The final section attempts to indicate how a relevant theoretical framework may be constructed.     

Disabled people as counterfeit citizens: the politics of resentment past and present

In this article I argue that disabled people in the United Kingdom have been tipped into an abyss of counterfeit citizenship. They have been smeared as ‘false mendicants’ – an old trick well documented in the historical archives of ableism. Neoliberalism has used this repertoire of invalidation – its noxious taint of cunning and fraud – as the ‘moral justification’ for welfare reform and for the pillory and notoriety into which the entire disabled community has been placed. Austerity – through the neoliberal politics of resentment – has made disabled people its scapegoat. I argue that a historical precedent for the contemporary demonisation of disabled people as counterfeit citizens can be found in the early modern period in the mythology of the ‘sturdy beggar’.     

Youth politics as multiple processes: how teenagers construct political action in Sweden

Alternative approaches to power in youth politics are needed to overcome the conceptual dichotomy between youth political action that is either linked to – or delinked from – state institutions. This paper offers an alternative drawn from a study that sought to empirically explore, and build theory upon, how teenagers construct their political action. Our qualitative study among 10 activists aged between 17 and 19 in a medium-size city in Northern Sweden found that youth constructed their political action as four different processes: moving from consciousness to action, moving from personal experience to shared goals, moving from social activities to political activities, and moving from single to multiple arenas. We integrated these processes in the concept Youth Politics as Multiple Processes. Youth efforts to bring about these processes were not always fruitful because, as their political action gained complexity, youth faced greater constraints for recognizing, addressing and challenging power from age-based exclusion, state-centered definitions of politics, and adult disinterest in youth demands. According to our findings, youth constructed political action based in an approach to power that was not state-centered. We linked our findings to youth politics research and social movement theory that similarly proposed alternative approaches to power.     

Performance and politics

The introduction to the issue ‘Performance Politics: spectacular productions of culture in contemporary Latin America’ looks at how performance practices shape contemporary debates and determine political outcomes in Latin America in the post-dictatorial present.     

Teaching Sociology at a Tribal College: Navajo Philosophy as a Pedagogy

This article begins with a brief history of Dine College, the first tribally controlled college in the nation. I then provide an overview of Dine College’s educational philosophy, called Sa’ah Naaghai Bik’eh Hozhoon, and give examples that demonstrate how I apply this SNBH philosophy in my teaching. I discuss my own Dine identity, and explain how that fosters a greater understanding among the students I teach. I also introduce a concept called “the Navajo time bind” that illuminates the challenges I face in teaching sociology to a Navajo population. Overall, this article provides insights about the unique aspects of teaching sociology in a tribally controlled college.     

Aging and identity politics

In this essay, I reflect on multiple identities—woman, lesbian, old—as they interconnect at different life stages. I raise an issue of identity politics (Is “old” as fundamental an identity as “woman”?) and suggest that critical gerontology offers a lens through which to interpret my personal journey from a core feminist identity to a questioning and ambivalent identity as an old woman.     

The politics of rescue

In December 2002 the UN adopted a definition of ‘trafficking’ that critics worry discounts female agency in commercial sex and migration. This definition was already being used in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo to tackle the violent sex industry that had developed alongside peacekeeping. This paper analyses official assumptions about female agency in commercial sex when ‘victims of trafficking’ (VoTs) are identified in BiH and Kosovo. In this context the Protocol definition helped extend access to resources to women and girls who could otherwise have been excluded. Those who had ‘been abroad’ before were no longer automatically rejected from VoT programmes but pathologised as sufferers of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD); their illness establishing their ‘innocence’. Understanding the choice of migration for sex work as a symptom of PTSD allows anti-trafficking programmes to focus on victim rather than perpetrator behaviour. Strong pressures against tackling the way soldiers, police and contractors treat women and girls in the sex industry underlie this focus on victim behaviour. Those in the sex industry who are not ‘foreign’ or do not want to go ‘home’ are excluded from VoT status while anti-trafficking activity increases their risk of arrest, thus reifying the categories of innocent VoT and guilty prostitute.