叙利亚库尔德人的政党政治研究

自从1957年第一个叙利亚库尔德政党建立以来,库尔德政党经过多次分化、重组和联盟,一直是叙利亚库尔德运动的主导力量。作为叙利亚库尔德人的代表,库尔德政党提出了维护库尔德人政治文化权利、承认库尔德人少数民族地位、给予库尔德民族一定程度自治等不同层面的政治要求。尽管长期以来受到政府的压制,而且-9当前叙利亚国内的反对派在民族问题上也存在分歧,但库尔德政党始终坚持要实现自己的政治要求。     

Youth political involvement update: measuring the role of cause-oriented political interest in young people's activism

In recent decades, a series of transformations have occurred that have changed young people's relationships with politics. In most Western countries, young people vote less and protest more. Survey research has detected this two-fold process in participation behaviour, but has failed to detect this same process in the field of political attitudes. In particular, the emergence of a specific dimension of psychological political involvement with a special impact on youth has gone unnoticed in survey-based research. Based on some recent qualitative studies, this research tries to identify and measure a specific dimension of interest in politics using a new question in a survey carried out in Catalonia in 2011. An interest directly oriented to political issues and causes – particularly those relevant in young people's everyday lives – is identified. The article also evaluates how traditional survey indicators of political involvement do capture, or not, this particular dimension of interest in politics. Finally, the new cause-oriented interest indicator is tested to analyse its impact on different types of participation in order to better understand patterns of activism in young people.     

Political Participation and Late-Life Learning: A Cross-Cultural Study of Older People’s Participation in Seniors’ Interest Organisations in Australia and Spain

Understanding what older people learn from their civic participation is of critical importance both for individuals and organisations. This link has been neglected in prior research, and the evidence across diverse cultural contexts is particularly limited. However, the political context of older people’s life experiences and participation is important in their participation. The intent of the present study is to explore the learnings experienced by older people through participation in seniors’ interest organisations, across Australia and Spain. Participants included 52 active members of political organisations focused on issues for older people. A questionnaire was used for data collection; participants’ responses to an open-ended question regarding what they have learnt from their participation in seniors’ interest organisations are analysed here. Participants’ answers were subjected to a multi-stage thematic analysis. Findings show three key themes relating to learnings about themselves, such as self-improvement or skills or knowledge; learnings about others, such as cooperation with others and understand that people have different views; and learning about society, such as inequality and the need to fight for injustice. The findings suggest some interesting similarities and differences across contexts, which appears to reflect the different political contexts of the two countries.     

Beyond Identity Politics

The author details the reasons why he has reached the conclusion that LGBT people have seen the limits of identity politics—that sexual object choice alone is not sufficient to connect a community and by extension a movement—and he calls for a new stage in political organizing linking people of progressive political philosophies, bridging the various social identities.     

Globalization and the Question of Social Justice

Previous conceptions of social justice presupposed a closed political community in which nation‐states were to be in full control of policy instruments that reinforced mechanisms of social justice. States’ governing capacity to deliver social justice to their citizens has been challenged in the face of deepening transnational interactions and interdependencies in economic, political, and cultural realms, as these interactions and interdependencies directly affect the lives of millions of people. This paper revisits an ongoing debate on Global Social Justice and aims to introduce two clashing views – namely, Minimalist and Cosmopolitan approaches – on whether or not people in affluent societies have distinctive duties of concern for people in less developed countries. After outlining the main contours of the arguments on both sides, the paper concludes by suggesting that the debate can inform different areas of sociological inquiry that are directly related to issues such as power, inequality, and social exclusion.     

Age Structure of Voluntary Associations and Political Self-Interest Among the Aged

Increased peer contact in age-graded voluntary associations is thought to be conducive to the development of political self-interest among older people. Analysis of the age structure of 304 aged individuals' association memberships revealed that desire for political change to benefit the aged, receptivity to appeals for organized political action, and willingness to actually engage in behavior designed to secure change were greatest among members of age-graded associations and lowest among older people with mixed generational memberships. When the experience of aging is taken into account, older people having no memberships, but who were experiencing a strong sense of social dislocation grounded in aging, tended to have the strongest desire for political change. Members of age-graded associations, however, whether or not they were experiencing dislocation, showed the greatest potential for actual political mobilization.     

Digital baroque: New media art and cinematic folds

The decision to use participatory visual methods with young people in education, health or public policy research is linked to a desire to allow them to have some greater voice in the research and the professional activities that impact on their lives. But how that ‘voice’ is produced, whose voice it represents, and how the product of that research is used and interpreted are all contentious issues for researchers. This article analyses some of these conceptual, methodological, political and pragmatic issues from the perspective of a current Australian Research Council-funded project working with young people across education and health domains. It is argued that allowing or not allowing visual accounts to speak for themselves is not simply a political decision but one related to epistemological understandings about meaning, and also to different purposes of different visual projects, in particular their relative emphasis on voice as a window to the world of the young people, compared with voice as a window to ‘who I am’. The project discussed is one which aims to give greater authority and centrality to the visual accounts and voices of young people, but also one where researchers understand both the visual and voice as constructed rather than given. Case studies from the project are used to illustrate the way in which these commitments frame decisions about technology and methodology, and also to show and argue for an approach which treats the meaning of the visual evidence as something to be constructed ethnographically and reflexively over time.     

当代法国青年人政治参与的特征及影响因素

政治行为与参与特征往往受特定社会形态的影响。今天的法国青年人对体制内参与渠道的认同感大大降低,日益疏离于政治投票及政党、工会生活,转而采用其他更直接更符合个人意愿的政治参与方式。但这种变化并不能说明代议制民主在青年人那里遭遇到认同危机,它实际上反映了青年人对传统政治参与方式有效性的理性反思,是一种对公民政治生活方式的创新与重构,尽管在这个过程中,因为个人经历、社会经济状况、受教育程度的差异会不同程度地影响到他们的政治态度和参与方式及参与度。     

Powerlessness of older people in Hong Kong: a political economy analysis

Gerontologists agree that old age can be associated with an increase in powerlessness both in the personal domain and in the social and political fields. This paper is an attempt to understand the concept of powerlessness in old age within a political economy theoretical framework. The paper argues that the powerlessness of older people is not biologically determined. Rather, it is socially constructed. It has its roots in the social, economic, and political structure of society. For this reason, the paper argues that (a) the capitalist economic system discriminates against and marginalizes older people in the labor market. The current unfavorable economic climate will make the economic situation of older people worse. (b) The residual welfare system does not counteract the unfavorable impact of the economic system. Rather, it deprives older people of the necessary financial resources and social service supports that would enable them to lead independent and dignified lives. (c) The authoritarian political system creates adverse conditions that make it very difficult for older people to participate in the decision-making process on issues that affect their lives, as well as on broader political issues that affect the whole of society. It is the interplay among these economic, social, and political forces in Hong Kong that creates the political economy of powerlessness in old age and prevents older people from using their powers to master and control their lives.     

Consuming Projects in Uncertain Times: Making Selves in the Galilee1

Abstract Reception and identification processes, crucial to understand situations of political conflict, have been studied in relation to particular events, rituals, or media. This article proposes a different approach. It explores how ordinary people, through projects of their own which exhibit particular forms of intentional cultural production and consumption, manifest historically situated notions of selves. I use the idea of “projects” to understand the interconnections between global consumer culture, identity, and nationalism as they are manifested in the everyday lives of Palestinian citizens of Israel. To exemplify these interconnections, I focus on two significant, creative projects through which Palestinian inhabitants of the Western Galilee shape and manifest selves in history. Though these projects appear very different on the surface, they are used to address the same central question – that is, to understand how senses of self in history and attending identities are materially and discursively constituted by members of a national minority in the ever-present context of political conflict. They show that people are not passive consumers of homogenizing rituals and discourse and reveal how, through a bricolage of objects and ideas, people inscribe intentions, meanings, ways of thinking, and self-narration in places and histories.     

What Are You Doing Here? 'Non-disabled' people and the disability movement: A response to Robert F. Drake

There appears to be a growing move amongst 'non-disabled' people, who research and work in our area, to justify their involvement. In my view, however, their attempts at justification are doomed to failure. The relation between 'non-disabled' people and the disability movement is very difficult, if not impossible. This is not said in anger or despair but rather this is a political statement. Obviously 'non-disabled' people have a role to play in so far as the aim of the disability movement is to remove disabling social and environmental inequalities. 'Non-disabled' people are going to have to change if we want to succeed and end the reality of our oppression. But this necessarily means that the relation of 'non-disabled' people to the disability movement involves a degree of exclusion.     

Investing in children: learning how to promote the rights of all children

Investing in Children is a County Durham initiative, which seeks to create opportunities for children and young people to become genuine participants in decision‐making processes. This paper provides an inside account of how the initiative was developed. It describes how a model of practice has evolved through which young people have been able to achieve a measure of genuine participation, leading to real change in policy. The paper explores some of the issues which have frustrated the translation of the rhetoric of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child into a reality recognised by young people in the United Kingdom. It is proposed that an approach based upon the universal rights of all children, pursuing an agenda identified by children and young people themselves, has more potential for political change than separate debates about the plight of particular groups of young people. The paper also suggests that participation (or more often consultation) is not an end in itself, but a means by which young people can achieve political change. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

上海青少年权益保护与发展报告

青少年的合法权益既要依法合情保护,更要依法顺势发展。青少年在身心健康、个人发展、公共参与和福利保障等方面的合法权益得到充分的实现,将有力地促进青少年的全面发展。当前,青少年的生活环境、思想状况和利益诉求发生了深刻变化,青少年权益保护和发展亦出现很多新情况,必须要更新观念,提出新的应对措施。上海城市发展快,不同年龄、不同职业、不同地域的青少年对权益维护需求的差异度较大,同时,来沪青少年绝对数量的相对比重不断上升,他们的权益维护需求和现状应得到更多关注。青少年权益维护面临多重风险与压力,生活高成本已成为上海青少年权益受损的重要原因。培育青少年公共参与意识,引导青少年有序政治参与,都需要在公共政策层面进一步完善,特别是逐步构建上海特色的青少年社会福利保障体系。     

Youth and social movements on the move: political engagement among young Spanish migrants in London

Since the beginning of the economic crisis in Spain young people have migrated abroad looking for job opportunities. In the meantime, after the 15-M movement in 2011, Spanish society created various social movements hoping to make change happen, as well as the pro-independence movement in Catalonia that gathered strength as a response to the Spanish economic and political crisis. This paper analyses how Spanish young people in London, as transmigrants rooted in two different countries, engage with the politics of their home country through two transnational social movements in London: ANC England and the Maroon Wave London. The article describes both local movements (comparing their goals, structure and activities), showing the reasons that young Spanish migrants get involved and their experiences within them. It also rethinks the nature and modalities of young diasporic identities and political engagement in the global age through the experiences of the young people interviewed.     

‘Them that runs the country don't know what they're doing’: political dissatisfaction amongst members of the white working class

There are signs that a significant number of British people do not feel that their concerns are being addressed by the mainstream parties or the political system. This paper attends to the quality of that political dissatisfaction amongst members of ‘the white working classes’. There is a need to extend typical concerns about youth disengagement to adults and to consider the role that class plays. Lower participation in formal democratic processes may not mean disengagement from all forms of politics, but could have considerable consequences for who gains power and for the tone and focus of political debates and policies. Our project contributes to exploring political dissatisfaction by engaging with low wage workers in Yorkshire and the North West, where high support for the far‐right BNP and low voter turnout are signs that mainstream politics and politicians are failing to impress. We asked people about their feelings in relation to mainstream politics and their concerns. These participants feel distanced from governing elites, formal political processes and old ideologies. They are searching for ways to make sense of their struggles to live a decent life, and in doing so must contend with the dominance of racist discourses.     

Age group differences in political activism in Malaysia

ABSTRACT

There is a dearth of studies on age-related patterns of political activism in Malaysia, specifically on young people’s patterns of political participation relative to their elders, and in relation to the rich literature that has developed in Western democracies. By analysing survey data from Wave 6 (2010–2014) of the World Values Surveys (WVS), this study aims to investigate the differences in political engagement between younger and older people in Malaysia, including new repertoires outside the mainstream politics, by addressing the question of whether young Malaysians are more active in political activities compared to older groups. The findings conform to the expected patterns in the literature that young people are less likely to participate in conventional political activities than their respective elders. However, we find no significant differences for unconventional political participation. The study further shows that demographic indicators such as the levels of education, gender and ethnic group belonging do not appear to be linked to the age gap between youth and their elders in political activism. As such, the study provides evidence that young people in Malaysia are less likely to be politically active than their elders and that this is not clearly attributable to the socio-demographic factors analysed.     

The great equalizer? Patterns of social media use and youth political engagement in three advanced democracies

Recent developments suggest a strong relationship between social media use and political engagement and raise questions about the potential for social media to help stem or even reverse patterns of political inequality that have troubled scholars for years. In this paper, we articulate a model of social media and political engagement among young people, and test it using data from representative samples of young people in Australia, the USA, and the UK. Our results suggest a strong, positive relationship between social media use and political engagement among young people across all three countries, and provide additional insights regarding the role played by social media use in the processes by which young people become politically engaged. Notably, our results also provide reasons to be optimistic concerning the overall influence of this popular new form of digital media on longstanding patterns of political inequality.     

Bilingual-intercultural education for indigenous children: the case of Mexico in an era of globalization and uprisings

The past 25 years have brought upheaval to the indigenous people of Mexico due to two opposing forces: modernization and globalization, on the one hand, and indigenous uprisings on the other. Suddenly, the topic of indigenous languages and education was brought into official discussions at the national level. This paper examines the tensions that emerge between the political discourses which emanate from within the indigenous communities and from the national government, and the actual implementation of educational policy models. The political–educational discourse shifted from Spanishization [castellanización], assimilation, and integration to bilingualism, interculturalism, and participation. We demonstrate that this shift was not a smooth transition, but rather an abrupt change that occurred in the early 1990s. Further, despite the shift to new discourses that respected indigenous languages and cultures, institutional factors have not been altered sufficiently to improve the conditions of indigenous education or their well-being in Mexico. Thus, ultimately, the new discourse of bilingualism and interculturalism in education serves to obfuscate the socio-political-economic work that must be done to truly allow the indigenous people to participate in the nation’s political life.     

Reply to Sloan

Abstract

While previous studies have used trust in the government as an exogenous variable to measure political protest and other forms of social unrest, we treat it as a dependent variable. Thus, we attempt to identify variables that affect trust in government, and we also distinguish between those variables that transcend race and those that differentially affect black and white respondents. Using data from the 1987 General Social Survey, we regress trust in the government on a variety of demographic and ideological measures. Results show that political apathy and belief that the government is unresponsive to the needs of the people lead to low levels of trust, regardless of the respondent's race. However, ideological variables such as political and religious views display different patterns for black and white respondents. While these variables do not affect black respondents' attitudes toward the government, they have a strong effect for white respondents. Implications of this study are discussed.     

Just another brick in the wall? The relationship between classroom-based political education and the political interest of young adults in Switzerland

This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.