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1.
廓尔喀战争,亦称清廓战争第二次中尼战争,是巴勒布战争(即第一次中尼战争)的继续,乾隆十全武功中的最后一件,邓锐龄先生称之为“中华民族共同捍卫领土完整的正义的战争”。通过对18世纪以来清廷上下特别是乾隆对英国、英属印度殖民地的认知,以及廓尔喀战争期间当清廷接到在尼泊尔以南存在着红毛国(英属印度)的情报时所采取对策的分析,阐述红毛国(英属印度)因素对廓尔喀战争的影响,以揭示在东南海疆频频对中国发起挑战的殖民者出现在中国西藏的陆地边疆时,传统的朝贡体系是如何应对的。  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

Contemporary practices of mourning individuals lost to war violence assert correct and incorrect practices of grieving. Successful practices will emphasize the heroism and the sacrifice of the war dead, centralizing the role of American values in the act of dying for one’s country. To not honor the war dead successfully is seen as a betrayal of their sacrifice and an ethical failure. Through a critical reading of Gold Star Families and the identity politics surrounding acts of mourning, I argue that the social norms acting as guideposts for processes of mourning over-determine relationships and identities in ways that perpetuate a violence that is seen as redemptive. Working towards alternatives to these practices, I argue that a queer relationality can disrupt the idealized constructions of redemptive violence constitutive to notions of successful mourning. A queering of the war dead refuses to allow mourning to be dismissed as unsuccessful if grieving is anything other than the assignment of war hero, patriot, or the solidification of an American identity for those killed by war violence. Ultimately, I argue that acts of queering the war dead have potential to challenge the proliferation of dominant practices that tie a militarized redemptive violence to normalized identities.  相似文献   

3.
This article outlines aspects of the ideological debate in post-war Greece, with reference to the contestation of the anti-communist consensus. In the post-civil war public sphere, there was a gap between elite and public opinion concerning the perception of the Second World War and the concept of the enemy. In the counter-narrative raised by the Centre–Left discourse, the concept of the German enemy was employed in order to denounce post-war American hegemony over Greece. This interpretation entails the restoration of the concept of anti-fascism as an interpretative framework for the Second World War and the challenging of anti-totalitarianism.  相似文献   

4.
In post-Soviet Ukraine, the remembrance of World War II has been one of the key factors in the state-led construction of national identity. This analysis of commemorative speeches on the occasion of Victory Day in Ukraine demonstrates how the presidents of Ukraine attempt to present the war as a national Ukrainian experience, and to produce a feeling of national belonging among Ukrainians who may have had various experiences of the war. By referring to World War II, the speeches portray the war as a common experience of Ukraine and Western European countries, whereas by referring to the Great Patriotic War they depict the war as a common heritage of Ukraine and post-Soviet countries. Such interpretation of the war is visible in the presidential speeches through the use of linguistic means, discursive strategies, and interdiscursivity.  相似文献   

5.
Book Reviews     
Residents of the Isle of Man have long sought to retain close social, cultural and economic ties with Great Britain while simultaneously stressing their own distinctive national identity. The manner by which the Manx have commemorated their participation in the Second World War is indicative of this tension. This article argues that one means by which a distinctive Manx identity has been retained is by highlighting subtle differences from supposedly common experiences in British and Manx history through how they have been commemorated. Thus, in their treatment of the internment of ‘enemy aliens’ on the Isle of Man during the Second World War, Manx heritage sites and commemorative practices have incorporated an element of home front experience that is marginalized and deliberately ignored in the United Kingdom.  相似文献   

6.
甲午战争中,作为当时清廷中一股重要政治力量,后清流积极鼓动对日作战,并提出了一系列御敌方略,其中包括:进攻和防御策略、军队建设策略、后勤与保障策略及马关签约时期的迁都与日进行持久战的主张.通过分析后清流提出的具体战略战术,将有助于我们对其进行合理的评价.  相似文献   

7.
抗战时期《新华日报》自创办起就始终坚持中国共产党的领导,以团结抗战作为工作的出发点,在全民族抗战中发挥了巨大的作用。《新华日报》对广大国统区回族民众的爱国行为展开积极报道,称赞回族同胞参与抗战救国的行为,还对陕甘宁边区的回族民众进行了报道,展现了边区回族的崭新风貌。通过研究抗战时期《新华日报》对回族的报道,有利于我们全面认识回族的抗战贡献以及中共中央为维护全民族抗战所作的不懈努力。  相似文献   

8.
抗战时期青海蒙藏牧区畜疫防治述论   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
民国时期,青海蒙藏牧区畜疫跌起,畜牧业生产遭到惨重破坏。抗战时期,西北开发达到高潮,畜牧业作为青海在内西北地区传统优势产业尤为受到国民政府的重视,对其进行了一系列投资。为了防治青海牧区流行畜疫,保护畜牧业经济健康发展,国民党中央政府和青海地方政府设立防疫机构,制造血清、疫苗和培养兽医人才等。这些举措使青海畜疫防治步入了近代化历程,增强了抗战时期国家经济实力,但由于战时诸多不利因素致使畜疫防治工作受到严重影响。  相似文献   

9.

For James Bond, Britishness is most often realised outside the British Isles, within the old Empire. Whenever physically located in Britain proper, he is most likely to be found in the offices of Universal Exports otherwise known as the British Secret Service. M's office is a metonym for England, a stable point of departure for Bond's adventures, and a site from which to theorise the relationship between M (England) and Bond (Britain); ideology, iconography and office fittings; changes and challenges to that 'office space'; cognitive mapping and the resonance of a British signifier on the margins of empire.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

The author examines the formation of British identity, looking at the interaction of ‘the British’ with the Celtic fringe, the Dominions, the Commonwealth, Anglophone America, Europe and peoples described in immigration law as ‘aliens’. He argues that the core identity is constructed in the course of interactions (sometimes hostile) with these externalized identities. The frontiers between identities are often ‘fuzzy’, allowing a degree of penetration by outsiders. The concept of ‘fuzziness’ is elaborated. The shape and edges of British identity are shown to be historically changing, often vague and to a degree, malleable. It is suggested that the move away from the Dominions and Commonwealth to Europe has contributed to a crisis of national identity.  相似文献   

11.
学术界在抗日战争开始的问题上一向存在着异议.本文以史实为根据既论证了江桥之战是当时黑龙江省政府所策划的有领导、有组织地正面抗击日本侵略的战争,并考证出其确实得到了中国政府的授权和支持而具有了民族抗战的性质;又重新评价了其在抗日战争的重要地位和作用,堪称中国抗战中局部抗战的第一战,因而标志着中国抗日战争的开始.同时,也澄清了作为新民主主义革命时期第三阶段的"抗日战争"和中国全面抗日战争与作为那场重大历史事件的"抗日战争"之不同内涵,也即所谓的新民主主义革命时期第三阶段和全面抗战阶段"八年"说与中国抗日战争持续时间多长是两个性质不同的问题,从而对"抗战八年"的说法提出了质疑和批评,并代之以"抗战十四年"的概念.最后的结论是江桥之战的爆发日就是中国抗战的开始之时.  相似文献   

12.
满清帝国在甲午战争中的失败,使本来发端于西方的民族主义思潮涌入中国,进而影响了包括孙中山在内的具有世界眼光和现代视野的知识分子与革命者。作为中国近代革命的先行者,孙中山的民族主义思想经历了一个从小民族主义向大民族主义的演进过程。前者主要着眼于内竞,服务于"驱除鞑虏"和反清排满的目标,具有一定的大汉族主义倾向;后者主要着眼于外竞,以追求"五族共和"与中华民族独立为目标。传统的家族观念和天下观念的影响,决定了孙中山民族主义思想具有较为浓厚的整体主义意蕴。  相似文献   

13.
This article explores the conflations and connections that postcolonial and disability scholars have drawn between ‘race’, ‘colonialism’ and ‘disability’ from a historical perspective. By looking at the connections drawn between ‘race’ and ‘disability’ in the context of nineteenth-century imperial Britain, I hope to probe beyond them to examine the origins and implications of their interplay. I do so by focusing on ideas about deafness, an impairment radically reconfigured in the colonial period, and inflected with concerns about degeneration, belonging, heredity and difference. Disability, I argue, not only operated as an additional ‘category of difference’ alongside ‘race’ as a way of categorising and subjugating the various ‘others’ of Empire, but intersected with it. The ‘colonisation’ of disabled people in Britain and the ‘racial other’ by the British were not simply simultaneous processes or even analogous ones, but were part and parcel of the same cultural and discursive system. The colonising context of the nineteenth century, a period when British political, economic and cultural expansion over areas of South Asia, Australasia and Africa increased markedly, structured the way in which all forms of difference were recognised and expressed, including the difference of deafness. So too did the shifts in the raced and gendered thinking that accompanied it, as new forms of knowledge were developed to justify, explain and contest Britain's global position and new languages were developed through which to articulate otherness. Such developments reconfigured the meaning of disability. Disability was, in effect, ‘orientalised’. ‘Race’ I argue was formative in shaping what we have come to understand as ‘disability’ and vice versa; they were related fantasies of difference.  相似文献   

14.
Most Americans today believe slavery caused the American Civil War, but adherents of the Lost Cause narrative advance the idea that southerners fought the war for honor, state’s rights, and in defense of their homeland which was invaded by the northerners. A similar Armenian Lost Cause narrative has evolved which centers on the idea that 1.5 million Ottoman-Armenians were killed deliberately and systematically in 1915 during an Armenian Genocide. Moreover, the narrative insists that the Ottoman-Armenians were essentially innocent victims and the Ottoman state, represented in situ by Muslim Turks, killed them for economic and racially prejudiced reasons. Like the Confederate Lost Cause the Armenian Lost Cause mythology has generated an entire literature supporting the narrative and a similar cult-like passion to its orthodoxy. This article compares the construction and effects of Lost Cause narratives and suggests revisions to the Armenian Lost Cause narrative based on the inclusion of authentic archival holdings.  相似文献   

15.
This paper analyses the civil war in Sri Lanka as a sustained national catastrophe lasting 26 years. It studies how violence is inscribed and political ideologies of sovereignty and separation are manifest across two main arterial routes, the road and rail links between the north and the south of the island. Sutured by military check points, these arterial scars and their wartime itineraries mirror the unfolding catastrophe that surrounds them. They represent in microcosm the social and spatial involution that follows the breakup of the nation. Catastrophes including the catastrophe of war become critical sites for reading these transformations.  相似文献   

16.
中国朝鲜族是中国56个民族中的一员,在其形成过程中有着与其他民族不同的特殊的历史性,它是一个跨界民族。在朝鲜战争中,他们的参战对于韩国、朝鲜和中国具有特殊的意义。本文拟以客观的立场叙述朝鲜族迁入中国东北的历史过程,并在此基础上,阐明中国延边朝鲜族投入朝鲜战争的缘由、活动和所起到的作用。  相似文献   

17.
With the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2000), the Israeli state impressively regained its relative autonomous capacity in managing a prolonged military undertaking without significant internal opposition, in contrast to the erosion in autonomy during the Lebanon War (1982–2000) and the first Intifada (1987–1993). Arguably, the state's relative autonomy increased in light of the changes in the social composition of the military's casualties in combat in the territories. While in the first week of the Lebanon War, about 55% of the fallen belonged to peripheral social groups, which previously held marginal military roles, in the Al-Aqsa Intifada the percentage rose to about 75%. This social change was reflected in the re-shaping of the bereavement ethos from protest to an acceptance of the sacrifice. Hence, the absence of effective political organization during the Al-Aqsa Intifada that could have challenged the military thought and limited its professional autonomy.  相似文献   

18.
平平 《西部蒙古论坛》2020,(1):36-43,125,126
公元1206年成吉思汗统一蒙古各部建立了大蒙古国,颁行蒙古民族第一部成文法典《大札撒》,确立各项国家制度,使蒙古社会进入更加有序治理时代。但是,1227年成吉思汗去世之后,由于汗位继承矛盾和远征等问题,导致大蒙古国各项制度发生变迁,从国家制度到具体社会管理制度、驿站制度、军事制度、赋税制度等都发生一定的变化,或被停滞,或得到进一步完善,或被新的制度所代替。其中,不容忽视的是,在成吉思汗之后大蒙古国各时期国家制度的设置和调整中,不仅有游牧传统治理的因素,也有适应农耕社会的因素,还有针对中亚民族的政策,显然,大蒙古国时期蒙古人的国家治理政策注重制度治理,尤其是"因地制宜"。  相似文献   

19.
This paper examines the violence in the Tajik Civil War (1992–1997). The actions of both sides mimicked ethnic cleansing as civilian settlements were targeted. The fragmented ethno-regional identities of the republic had historically lived together peacefully, so this style of violence was unanticipated. However, its patterns resemble similar events in the past 40 years that have been examined by other scholars. By conceptualizing it as a modern phenomenon that can be compared to, I develop a better understanding of this form of violence in the Tajik Civil War and place it within scholarly work on ethnic cleansing.  相似文献   

20.
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