The Family of Man in Guatemala

Placing Edward Steichen’s 1955 photographic exhibition, The Family of Man, in Guatemala reorients the show’s Cold War geography and challenges the limits of Steichen’s humanism. Steichen’s orientation was East–West, his purpose to break down what he considered to be a nihilistic binary between the United States and the Soviet Union. A North–South axis brings with it issues of hereditary, festering colonialism and comprehensive exploitation of indigenous populations, who, in the visual realm of Life magazine, were one source of the sorts of exotic images, stamped with the seal of authenticity, which made their way into The Family of Man. It is important to see how the exhibition was displaced from the stable terms of exchange with its assumed audience through its deployment as a mobile element of the United States Information Agency’s contribution to the cultural diplomacy of the United States. After reviewing the message that Steichen constructed for the exhibition, the essay will examine the uncertain, Cold War terrain that greeted it in post-revolutionary Guatemala. The essay discusses the two impresarios who made possible the appearance of The Family of Man in the Casa de Protocolo: Edward Steichen, the originator of the exhibition, and Nelson Rockefeller, the master of the bewildering context surrounding this photographic work. I conclude with some reflections on present-day humanistic projects in Guatemala.     

Sino-liberalism: the socialist market and the neoliberal concept of freedom

The very notion of China’s ‘socialist market economy’ presents us with numerous paradoxes, such as the way it challenges former distinctions made between democratic and Communist systems. This paper examines the rhetorical dimensions of Milton Friedman’s seminal text, Capitalism and freedom (1962), and demonstrates how literary analysis can make an important contribution towards our understanding of the formation of neoliberal ideology. Drawing on critiques of Chinese capitalism mounted by Zhu Wen in his 1994 short story ‘I Love Dollars’, and the essays in Yu Hua’s China in ten words collection (2011), I show the extent to which the perceived discordance between neoliberalism and socialism is grounded in bi-polar Cold War formations. This examination of neoliberal ideals across three literary genres highlights the layers of fiction, and truth, that are present equally within those designated categories of prose, non-fiction, and economic tract.     

Whose history is it anyway? The case of Exhibit B

In 2014, Brett Bailey’s Exhibit B site-specific installation created a media storm and protests throughout Europe. One such protest was in London, leading to the cancellation of his show at the Barbican. Consternation caused by art work is not a new phenomenon, and indeed one of the enduring purposes of art is to push the boundaries of acceptability and to show sights that are normally kept hidden from the public gaze. From some of the Impressionists’ exhibits to twentieth century art works such as Andres Serrano’s Piss Christ in 1987 and Chris Ofili’s The Holy Virgin Mary 1996, art has caused offence in a variety of ways. This article examines Exhibit B to identify the reasons for its reception. In broad outline, as a white artist his presentation of black oppression was regarded at best as naïve and at worse as culturally inappropriate.     

Language,ethnicity, and the nation-state: on Max Weber’s conception of “imagined linguistic community”

Methodological nationalism in sociological theory is unfit for the current globalized era, and should be discarded. In light of this contention, the present article discusses Max Weber’s view of language as a way to relativize the frame of the national society. While a “linguistic turn” in sociology since the 1960s has assumed that the sharing of language—linguistic community—stands as an intersubjective foundation for understanding of meaning, Weber saw linguistic community as constructed. From Weber’s rationalist, subjectivist, individualist viewpoint, linguistic community was a result of social actions, not a prior entity as assumed by German metaphysical organicism (and historicist holism). Indeed, Central Europe in Weber’s era was a battlefield of linguistic nationalism(s); in contrast to the national societies of the Cold War period, national borders were unstable and ultimately the multiethnic empires of the region were dismantled after World War I into ethnolinguistic nation-states. Experience of this contemporary reality brought Weber to the core of the relationship between language and politics: A language community is an imaginary one demarcated not by language itself but by conscious opposition against outsiders, with monolingual contexts within borders created artificially by homogenizing policies like linguistic standardization and national education—the first modernity of language. In this way, Weber felt, language can be a means to domination.     

Formulating Japan’s UNSCR 1325 national action plan and forgetting the “comfort women”

ABSTRACT

In September 2015, the Japanese government announced its first national action plan (NAP) to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325, just ten days after forcefully legislating controversial security bills that would effectively lift the constitutional restrictions on overseas exercise of military force. Why did the conservative administration embrace Resolution 1325 while propelling militarization? This paper examines the formulation process of Japan’s NAP, focusing on gendered struggle over remilitarization and war memory, especially that of the “comfort women,” or Japanese imperial military sexual slavery during World War II. I will examine how post–Cold War remilitarization in Japan was closely intertwined with the struggle over war memory and the gender order of the nation, and how the conservative administration embraced international gender equality norms in an attempt to identify itself as a powerful liberal democracy engaged in maintaining the international security order, and to erase the memory of imperial military sexual violence in the past. By doing so, I attempt to critically reconsider the framework of the UN Women, Peace and Security agenda, which constructs powerful developed nations “not in conflict” as innocent supporters of women in conflict zones.     

The Dark Side of Art’s Social Turn: Towards a Discourse on the Impact of Art’s Use of Social Forms Upon the Social

The recent “social turn” in art, in which art favours using forms from social life above its own, has been extensively discussed. Relational Aesthetics by Nicolas Bourriaud, Conversation Pieces and The One and the Many by Grant Kester, essays by Claire Bishop who supplies the term “the Social Turn,” and her recent publication Artificial Hells, are now as important to the field as the art they scrutinise. Ironically, however, when this discussion regards the implications of the “turn”, it habitually addresses the effects of this development from – and for – art’s point of view, overlooking the way in which artists’ inroads into social life may be differently regarded in the social realm. As much as this represents a failure to illuminate a particular area for knowledge, it also signifies a failure to take art’s revalorised commitment to the social to its ethical conclusion: such, from two perspectives, is the “dark side” of art’s social turn. This article seeks to mitigate these oversights. In particular, it looks at art in which an artist undertakes another person’s professional work. Considering the effects of this on those whose practices are appropriated, I propose a consultative approach, involving ethnographic and empathetic modes of address. Consequently, this article does not present an answer to the question it poses, “how do professionals in the social realm see art’s appropriations of their practices?” but rather, a framework for approaching that.     

Visualities of strategic vision: Lookout Mountain Laboratory and the deterrent state from nuclear tests to Vietnam

This article considers two visual cultures of America’s deterrent state in the Cold War, the cinematic and cybernetic, by following the history of the 600th Photographic Squadron of the United States (US) Air Force in Vietnam and its 1950s progenitor, the 1352nd Motion Picture Squadron, or Lookout Mountain Laboratory. We argue that cinematic and cybernetic visual cultures were at the heart of a Cold War visual alliance that was also a Cold War visual contest, and cameras were situated at the centre of the contest. Specifically, the cinematic and the cybernetic represent two distinct visualities of vision, as the Cold War cameras of the Air Force assumed either transcendental or transcendent positions. The former, in keeping with a cinematic visuality, was oriented towards casting America as a sight to see in the context of its war on communism, with cameras operating as a condition of possibility for the construction of the ‘image’, whereas the latter, in keeping with a cybernetic visuality, was oriented towards the American appetite to see, to monitor and survey the world over, with cameras operating as processors of ‘information’. The history of the 600th Photographic Squadron and its progenitor, Lookout Mountain Laboratory, suggests that the transition from cinematic to cybernetic visualities of vision was part of a broader transformation in the US Cold War state from a nuclear deterrent state to a supra-nuclear deterrent state.     

“See Media”: Coco Fusco’s Direct Address and the Performance of In/Security

Abstract

A Room of One’s Own: Women and Power in the New America (2006–2008) is a multi-media performance art piece by visual artist Coco Fusco. In a lecture style performance staged at the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) as part of their 2007 symposium The Feminist Future: Theory and Practice in the Visual Arts, Fusco explores the use of women in US military interrogation efforts during the height of the War on Terror and – problematic and violent as it may be – mounts a parallel attack against the art world itself. Although invited to speak, Fusco speaks (performs) out of turn – and out of sync in order to level a critique at the very establishment in which the symposium was held. In doing so, Fusco directs our attention towards the interwoven workings of power, surveillance, silence, and the making and the performances of particular kinds of citizen/subjects/enemy combatants/art objects/interrogators/artists. This article seeks to address how visual culture and US military security discourses are inextricably linked through interwoven histories and unsettling relationships between race and national security, national security and feminism, as well as race and feminism.     

‘We Have Certainly Saved Ourselves’: Popular Views of Masculinity during the Korean War, 1950–53

This article addresses the ways in which the American popular media, particularly middle-brow magazines, novels, and films, created a gendered interpretation of the Korean War. On the US home front, cultural commentators linked the purported 1950s crisis of masculinity to concerns that “coddled” and “overmothered” American military personnel would lack the manly vigor necessary to prevent South Korea from falling to communist forces. Ultimately, though, most of these observers insisted that in the crucible of war lay an antidote for America’s flagging masculine spirit. The so-called “police action” served as a critical terrain — both real and imagined — for debating masculinity during the Cold War. Although such optimism proved short-lived, this martial vision for boosting manliness resonated in post-war US policy and culture well beyond the three short years of the conflict.     

Controversies of US‐USSR Cultural Contacts During the Cold War: The Perspective of Latvian Refugees1

Abstract This article analyzes the conflict that emerged regarding the so‐called US‐USSR “cultural contacts” during the Cold War within the exile community of American Latvians. While most of the American political and cultural elites saw cultural exchanges with the Soviets as beneficial, the reactions of the émigrés were much more controversial and polarizing. This study reveals the unrecognized side of the Cold War politics as experienced by the refugee groups. The study employs American, Latvian and Soviet publications, memoirs, interviews and archival materials.     

Change in Work‐Family Conflict Among Employed Parents Between 1977 and 1997

Using data from two national surveys (N = 2,050), this paper examines what accounts for the increase in the sense of work‐family conflict among employed parents between 1977 and 1997. Decomposition analysis indicates that the increases in women’s labor force participation, college education, time pressure in completing one’s job, and the decline in free time were related to the increase. Fathers in dual‐earner marriages experienced a particular increase in work‐family conflict. With the same amount of time spent with children, parents felt greater work‐family conflict in 1997 than in 1977. Although masked by the overall increase, some trends, such as the increases in intrinsic job rewards, time with children, and egalitarian gender attitudes, contributed to a decline in work‐family conflict.     

The terrorist,the artist and the citizen: Oscar Wilde and Vera

This article links Oscar Wilde’s prose writings with his earliest drama Vera, or The Nihilists (1880, rev., 1883) and suggests how the idea of terrorism and political violence was a spectacle and threat that Wilde acknowledged and encompassed in his writing and thought. I discuss Wilde’s adoption of a Hegelian view of the development of civilisation and suggest that during his 1895 trials he cast himself self-consciously as at once agitator and scapegoat, finding that his own life had come to imitate his art though not in the ways with which we are commonly familiar. Modern terrorism from its roots in 1870s Russian political unrest is recognised as both a new force and a familiar fantasy which shapes literature.     

Ideological Orientation and the PRC Academic Migration: A Theoretical and Longitudinal Analysis*

Since the end of the Cold War era, Western capitalist countries have experienced increased immigration of highly trained professionals from former socialist Eastern European countries and from socialist countries such as China and Cuba. In studies of the determinants of international migration, the focus has repeatedly been on demographic, economic, social network, and political explanations. This study addresses the migration of highly trained professionals from the People's Republic of China (PRC) to the United States of America (USA). Logistic regression analyses of longitudinal data collected between mid‐1988 and the beginning of 1992 show that, in addition to the explanatory power of the above predictors, transvaluation—the shift emphases from the socialist collectivist and interdependent ideological orientations to individualistic, independent, and competitive ideological orientations contribute to the migration decisions of the Chinese intellectuals. The results of field interviews and longitudinal comparisons suggest that the academics who come from an oppressed bourgeois‐class origin, and who experience more independent and competitive lifestyles in China, are more likely to acquire individualistic and independent ideologies than those who come from privileged and working‐class origins in China. The transvaluation is thus argued as a determinant of international migration, rather than as the post facto justification or the assimilation effect that was argued in previous migration studies. The modest erosion of the socialist‐collectivist and interdependent orientations among Chinese academics in the 1988 to 1992 three‐and‐half‐year time frame further enhanced their migration decisions. The longitudinal analyses suggest that the modifications of the individual ideological orientations among the Chinese academics may have occurred before the migration movement, rather than after. This finding thus challenges previous research regarding the determinants of international migration.     

Survivalist Modernity and the Logic of Its Governmentality

In this article, I analyze the governmental discourses of Chung-Hee Park, drawing on Walter Benjamin's concept of the archeology of dreams. Following Benjamin, I argue that modern Korea has been shaped largely under the prevailing influence of survivalism, viewed as a principle of governmentality as well as a collective mentality. Since the late 19th century the Korean peninsula has been enmeshed in enduring geopolitico-economic threats. The Cold War brought about suffering through the Korean War, which was carried over into an authoritarian and developmental state. Finally, under the hegemony of neoliberalism at the end of the 20th century, Koreans once again underwent a collective crisis of survival. Here, I focus on Cold War survivalism and explore the discourses of Chung-Hee Park as representative texts exemplifying the logic and rationale of survivalist governmentality. Viewed as the most influential figure of 20th-century Korea, Park crystallized and implemented a survivalist governmentality, the fundamental logic of which can be delineated in the following four axioms: (i) the transcendental structure of problems, (ii) kairotic time, (iii) the praxeology of power, and (iv) the sovereign leader. These four constitute the specific narrative of national survival that functioned as a blueprint for building up the developmental Korean state.     

Tomorrow,things will be different Qiu Zhijie’s concept of keeping alive life through art

Abstract

The paper examines Qiu Zhijie’s multi-layered project A Suicidology of the Nanjing Yangtze River Bridge (since 2008) and asks what is at stake when art literally and metaphorically is assigned with life-saving functions. Based on the artist’s assumption that today’s social and political reality as well as its subjects are historically constructed the article conceives of the Nanjing Bridge as an embodiment of a historically constituted contemporary Chinese reality. Through close readings of the works as well as analyses of theoretical writings by Qiu Zhijie the article scrutinises the relationship Total Art assumes between the social and the aesthetic realm and examines the premises and strategies the artist adopts in order to produce socially and aesthetically effective art that keeps ‘alive’.     

‘Farewell Red Balloon’ – visual analysis of illustrations inspired by a children’s book

Lee Hall’s recent play The Pitmen Painters, based on William Feaver’s account of ‘unprofessional painting’ by miners in a Northumbrian coal mining village, raises issues surrounding the representation of the North in visual culture. This paper considers the now increased visibility of the Ashington Group and their adoption as nostalgic symbols of self-improvement and the intellectual life of the working classes. The reproductions of the Group’s paintings in Hall’s play prompt consideration of current debates around access to education, the use of art as social improvement, the loss of traditional Leftist values in the British Labour Party, the transformation of sites of heavy industry to cultural/heritage sites and the perceived poverty of ambition in communities such as Ashington today. The focus on the Group here also reignites problematic questions for art history itself: the art historian’s urge to critically frame groups of artists and the continued equation of non-professional art with ‘authenticity’ in art history and criticism, as well as the ethical issues involved in ‘speaking on behalf of others’ (Craig Owens).     

Capital,conflict and convergence: a political understanding of neoliberalism and its relationship to capitalist transformation

ABSTRACT

In this article we argue against influential analyses of neoliberalism that prioritize variegation and the role of ideas as key theoretical foci relevant to understanding neoliberalism’s diffusion into myriad national and political settings. Rather, we contend that crucial to understanding neoliberalism is the role of politically-produced convergence around market rationality that reflects two core processes: the reorganization of production and the ascendency of financialization. We present a theorization and analysis of neoliberalism’s political production and diffusion over time, explaining its contested evolution and impact across diverse settings (both ‘North’ and ‘South’) and emphasizing its ever-intensifying symbiotic relationship with the consolidating world market in which the former has increasingly come to serve as the latter’s operating system (OS). Further, we posit that neoliberalism’s form, function and impact demand analytically prioritizing the leverage of constellations of ideological and material interests within the contradictory context of consolidating relations of production and financialization. Our analysis thus challenges many previous expositions of neoliberalism for their failure to locate neoliberalism’s manifestation as arising out of social conflict within particular junctures that privilege certain social forces and ideas over others. We also distinguish our position by highlighting how manifestations of neoliberalism in various settings have combined to yield a greater world market in which variegation has gradually given way to ever-intensifying disciplinary pressures towards market-policy conformity (mono-policy). While current populist movements may well turn out to be important counter movements to neoliberal hegemony, especially if they can internationalize, the disciplining effect of the world market renders many nationally-oriented policy alternatives costly and politically fraught.     

Mental Maps of Eastern Europe: States,Mentalities, Modernisation

Eastern Europe has been the object of orientalising discourses portraying it as a region defined by problematic statehood, underdevelopment, and nationalist-religious warmongering. These discourses have produced 19^th-century mental maps of Europe contrasting a perceived ‘core’ European area ending with the Frankish Empire's eastern border and coinciding with later Enlightenment influence and an indistinct ‘Orient’ or ‘East’, bypassed by “modernising” processes. This contribution focuses on (post-)Cold War discourses in social science and shows how these discourses re-produce 19^th-century layers of orientalising map-making and keep East-West differences alive by tracing deficient, fragile or repressive state institutions back to alleged Eastern European ‘mentalities’.     

What Makes Someone Family? Adult Children’s Perceptions of Current and Former Stepparents

This study examined the extent to which adult children perceived current and former, legal or cohabiting, partners of biological parents as family members and parents and determined what factors were associated with these perceptions. Data come from 443 adult children participating in the 1997 wave of the Longitudinal Study of Generations. Hypotheses were developed on the basis of a synthesis of the solidarity‐conflict model and the life course perspective. Results revealed diversity in adult children’s perceptions of family membership and parentage and support for the theoretical perspectives. Structural, associational, and normative solidarity were all associated with adult children’s perceptions of current and former stepparents as family members and parents. Substantive and theoretical implications are discussed.