流动人口家庭化特征、趋势及影响因素研究

本文根据2015年和2011年全国流动人口动态监测数据分析了我国流动人口家庭化特征、变动趋势及其影响因素.研究结果显示,随着流动人口的流动模式的转变,流动人口家庭化呈现规模扩大化、结构核心化和转化多元化的特征.具体表现在:流动人口的家庭规模不断扩大,4人户及以上所占比重有所增加;流动人口的家庭结构核心化,即夫妻和子女或未婚子女和父母一起流动成为当前主要的流动模式;三代主干家庭在流入地得以维系,流动人口家庭呈现出分裂而又聚合的多元化态势.同时,影响流动人口家庭化的因素复杂多样,个体层面的代际差异和职业类型、家庭层面的收支状况以及社会层面的户籍制度和居留时间等因素均对其产生显著影响.伴随着流动人口家庭化进程,流动人口家庭对流入地社会公共服务资源,如教育、医疗等方面的需求更为急迫.     

流动人口家庭化状况分析

家庭流动会在未来一个时期成为人口流动的主要形式,本文对流动人口家庭化的概念进行界定,利用中国人民大学人口与发展研究中心2009年的调查数据对流动人口家庭化程度和区域差异从实证的角度进行了验证。研究发现,流动人口家庭化存在区域差异,部分流动人口家庭是通过在流入地生育孩子组成。针对流动人口家庭化给流入地和流出地带来的机遇和挑战要客观地看待。     

云南流动人口家庭化迁居状况分析——基于云南省2013年流动人口动态监测调查数据

流动人口家庭化迁居是近年来人口流动的一个重要趋势。本文利用2013年"云南省流动人口动态监测调查数据",结合云南省经济社会发展实际,从流动人口家庭的家庭户规模、收入与支出状况、生育子女、子女入学和独生子女状况五个方面全面分析流动人口家庭化迁居的态势。对加强流动人口社会管理,促进人口城镇化的健康发展具有重要意义。     

延边朝鲜族地区人口迁移家庭化及影响因素研究

文章利用2011年流动人口及影响因素的调查数据,对延边朝鲜族人口的家庭迁移状况进行统计分析,运用Logistic回归模型检验国内迁移及跨国迁移中家庭特征和个人因素对家庭迁移的影响。研究发现,朝鲜族地区人口流动已有明显的家庭化趋势,这种现象在跨国迁移中比较显著。家庭迁移主要形式为核心家庭(一对夫妇流出)迁移。跨国迁移中,家庭规模和代际关系以及家中是否有小孩对朝鲜族地区家庭迁移行为有显著性影响;国内迁移中,家庭规模对整个家庭迁移影响显著。个人特征方面,婚姻和年龄对国内家庭迁移和跨国家庭迁移均有较大影响。     

东北跨省流出人口的家庭化迁移及其影响因素研究

随着城市化进程的加快,流动人口跨省迁移问题日益成为社会各界关注的焦点。东北地区从2000年开始流动人口逐渐由个人跨省流动转变为家庭化迁移,然而国内有关东北地区跨省家庭化迁移的人口学、社会学实证研究较少。本文利用2015年流动人口动态监测调查数据对家庭结构、定居意愿、家庭化迁居方式、迁居水平、影响因素对东北地区家庭化流动人口的发展趋势进行量化分析。研究表明跨省迁移家庭结构的稳定、流入地家庭收入的增长、定居意愿的加强等因素使家庭在跨省流动家庭化迁移进程与迁移方式呈现出不同的特点。在家庭化迁移过程中东北地区流出人口的年龄越大、在流入地时间越长、家庭成员收入水平越高,家庭化迁居水平就越高。面对东北流动人口家庭化趋势增强的情况,政府应顺应社会规律,强调责任主体意识,深化政策领域改革,建立为流动家庭服务的社会政策。     

北京市流动人口家庭化研究

近年来北京市流动人口的规模持续增长,一个越来越被关注的现象就是流动人口的举家迁移,即人口流动正逐渐由分散的、跑单帮式的流动向家庭型流动转变。正确认识流动人口的家庭化现象有利于指导北京市经济和社会的     

配偶随迁降低了流动人口生育意愿吗?

生育意愿是夫妻双方对生育行为的共同意向且夫妻双方相互影响。人口流动容易导致夫妻分居两地,那么流动人口的配偶随迁情况对其生育意愿会产生什么影响?本文使用二维交叉表和排序选择模型估计方法,利用2014年全国流动人口动态监测调查数据分析配偶随迁对流动人口生育意愿的影响。结果表明在"单独二孩"政策下,约21.5%的单独夫妇流动人口明确表示会再生育一个孩子,说明他们的生育意愿并不强烈,而且更倾向于选择在未来较远时间进行生育。配偶随迁显著地弱化了流动人口生育意愿,与配偶未随迁的流动人口相比,配偶随迁的流动人口想再要一个孩子的对数发生比降低0.135个单位,说明尽管夫妻一同流动会提高生育可行性,但由于流动人口夫妇一起进入新的环境中,生育观念发生显著变化,生育成本也大幅提高,最终降低了流动人口的生育意愿。对于明确有再生育意愿的流动人口,配偶随迁也会推迟再生育时间。另外,流动人口男孩偏好对其生育意愿及生育时间具有显著影响,当流动人口家庭仅拥有男孩时,他们更偏向于选择不再生育孩子,即使愿意再生育一个孩子,也更倾向于在未来较远的时间生育,存在明显的生育时间的推迟效应。总体而言,伴随着人口流动家庭化趋势,流动人口生育意愿存在弱化效应,生育时间存在推迟效应。     

我国家庭动态变化对二氧化碳排放的影响分析

人口数量及其增长率常常被认为是二氧化碳排放增长的重要推动力之一,而家庭变动对二氧化碳排放的影响往往被忽视。基于此,采用VAR模型,通过脉冲响应函数来考察人口和家庭变动对二氧化碳排放的动态影响,并用方差分解法揭示其相互影响程度及差异。结果表明,家庭层面变量对二氧化碳排放的影响远大于人口总量对二氧化碳排放的影响。考察人口总量、平均家庭规模以及家庭户变动三者对二氧化碳排放影响的贡献差异发现,平均家庭规模对二氧化碳排放的影响大于家庭户变动对二氧化碳排放的影响,且大于人口总量对二氧化碳排放的影响。相对于人口总量,以家庭户为视角来研究人口因素对二氧化碳的影响更为重要。因此,在节能减排的政策建议中,应当更多倡导推广有利于可持续发展的家庭户模式,家庭减排对于减排目标的实现将具有更大的潜力。     

家庭化流动对流动人口就业率和就业稳定性的影响及其性别差异——基于2013年全国流动人口动态监测数据的分析

文章利用2013年全国流动人口动态监测数据,使用二项Logistic方法深入探讨了家庭化流动对流动人口的就业率和就业稳定性的影响程度及其性别差异.研究结果显示,家庭化流动模式的不同对流动人口就业状况的影响有显著的性别差异.对于在流入地实现完整家庭流动的流动女性来说,她们在就业过程中往往呈现出就业率低和就业不稳定的特征;与此不同的是,家庭化流动虽然对男性流动人口的就业率没有显著影响,但其对男性流动人口的就业稳定性有显著促进和提升作用.另外,个体因素、 地区因素和社会经济因素等也会显著影响不同性别流动人口的就业状态.最后,本文还针对研究结果提出了几点政策建议.     

流动人口的离婚风险:代际差异与影响因素

大规模的人口流动已成为现阶段中国社会的基本特征。人口流动造成的亲子分离、夫妻分居不利于婚姻稳定和家庭发展。文章基于2017年全国流动人口动态监测调查江苏省数据,运用Cox比例风险模型分析流动人口离婚风险的代际差异及其影响因素。实证分析表明流动人口的离婚风险呈现双峰结构特征,离婚风险有代际递增趋势。其中1960年前出生队列的流动人口离婚风险相对较低,未出现明显的"倒U型"特征。1961年至1980年出生队列的流动人口离婚风险存在时间滞后性是造成流动人口离婚风险双峰特征的主要原因。1980年以后出生的流动人口离婚模式表现出"闪婚闪离"的特征。在影响流动人口离婚风险的因素方面,婚后夫妻双方共同流动显著地降低了离婚风险。流动距离对流动人口离婚风险有强化作用,证实了家庭对婚姻的约束作用随流动距离增加而降低。子女因素和核心型流动家庭结构对流动人口离婚风险有显著的抑制作用且抑制作用随着代际兴替而增强。为了维持婚姻稳定,年轻一代流动人口更加重视以婚姻为基础的家庭实践和婚姻在维持家庭功能完整性方面的作用。     

Men’s Migration and Women’s Fertility in Rural Mozambique

Labor migration profoundly affects households throughout rural Africa. This study looks at how men’s labor migration influences marital fertility in a context where such migration has been massive while its economic returns are increasingly uncertain. Using data from a survey of married women in southern Mozambique, we start with an event-history analysis of birth rates among women married to migrants and those married to nonmigrants. The model detects a lower birth rate among migrants’ wives, which tends to be partially compensated for by an increased birth rate upon cessation of migration. An analysis of women’s lifetime fertility shows that it decreases as the time spent in migration by their husbands accrues. When we compare reproductive intentions stated by respondents with migrant and nonmigrant husbands, we find that migrants’ wives are more likely to want another child regardless of the number of living children, but the difference is significant only for women who see migration as economically benefiting their households. Yet, such women are also significantly more likely to use modern contraception than other women. We interpret these results in light of the debate on enhancing versus disrupting effects of labor migration on families and households in contemporary developing settings.     

Engendering migrant networks: The case of Mexican migration

This article compares the impact of family migrant and destination-specific networks on international and internal migration. We find that migrant networks are more important for international moves than for internal moves and that female networks are more important than male networks for moves within Mexico. For moves to the United States, male migrant networks are more important for prospective male migrants than for female migrants, and female migrant networks lower the odds of male migration, but significantly increase female migration. We suggest that distinguishing the gender composition and destination content of migrant networks deepens our understanding of how cumulative causation affects patterns of Mexican migration.     

流动,还是留守?——农民工子女流动与否的决定因素分析

日常生活中的家庭结构及其与父母的居住模式是流动和留守儿童各种问题的根源。本文利用2006年的珠三角农民工抽样调查原始数据,从农民工子女流动或留守的两种生存状况出发,探索了决定这两种生存状态的各种因素。结果发现,农民工子女的流动与否在很大程度上受制于自己的年龄、农村社会支持、迁移距离和父(母)在城市生存状态,他们的流动与否不仅是作为农民工父(母)理性选择的结果,还与国家、地方、生产等方面的制度有关。也就是说,与人口迁移中推拉理论的论述一样,农民工子女的流动与否也是由农村社会和城市社会各自的推拉合力作用的结果,也是作为父母的农民工经过利弊权衡后的理性选择结果。     

北京市流动人口的最新状况与分析

本文根据2006年“北京市1‰流动人口调查”数据分析了北京市流动人口的结构、分布、经济状况和居住状况等特征。研究发现,北京市流动人口正在发生结构性的变化,其家庭化的趋势明显;北京的经济优势是吸引流动人口来京的最主要原因;流动人口在京滞留时间较长,很多人已经成为事实上的“北京人”;流动人口的流动渠道和实现就业的渠道具有“非正规”的特性;流动使绝大多数人实现了职业身份的“非农化”,但在进城后流动劳动力继续向上流动的机会减少。另外,本文也探讨了在京流动人口在劳动就业、社会保险、居住条件等方面面临的困境和问题。     

Sri Lankan female domestic workers overseas: mothering their children from a distance

Sri Lanka is one of three countries in Asia, along with the Philippines and Indonesia, where women migrants constitute between 60 and 70% of legal migrants; these female migrants are mainly employed overseas as domestic workers. Since the 1980s, the out-migration of Sri Lankan females for employment abroad surpassed that of males and the major destination has been countries in the Middle East. The majority of these women are married and have at least one child; they leave their children in the care of other family members in their absence. While they usually make arrangements to accommodate the spatial separation forced by migration, their migration poses many challenges to themselves and their children left behind. Recently, the issue of children left behind by migrant mothers has attracted growing attention from policy makers in Sri Lanka. Since the social and emotional ramifications of mothering from a distance and how these mothers cope with them are inadequately investigated, this article uses data collected from a 2008 survey of 400 Sri Lankan female migrant families to examine the effects of mothers’ migration on how they are mothering their children from a distance, and how they perceive the effects on their children. The article concludes with some suggested policy recommendations.     

The differential migration of population in China: the analysis on sample survey data on urban population migration in 74 towns]

The paper analyzed data from a migration survey in 74 Chinese cities and towns in 1986. Several characteristics of the migrant population were found from the data analysis. The biggest proportion of migrants was in 20-24 age group. This age group sent 26.1% of the migrants to metro-cities, 27.6% to large cities, 25.1% to median sized cities, 22.4% to small cities, and 22.2% to towns. Migrants in the 15-29 age groups accounted for 50% of the migrants to different-sized cities and towns. Female migration is 4.2-15.4% lower than male. The proportion migrating because of marriage ranged between 84/7-92.5% to different-sized cities for females, which is much higher than for males. The level of education in the migrant population is higher than in the general population, as educational qualifications are important for job opportunities. Those with middle school and above education, make up the bulk of the migrants, and 30-40% of the migrant population to big cities increased their educational level after migrating. The currently and never married comprise, the majority of the migrant population, while the number of widowed and divorced is minimal (2 and 0.4%, respectively). Most of the widowed were 60 years old and migrated for subsistence to cities where their children lived. Among the unmarried migrants, female make up 1/3. Whereas among the married, there are more females than males.     

Migration, Household Configurations, and the Well-Being of Adolescent Orphans in Rwanda

This study uses data from the 2002 Rwandan census to situate the discourse on migration and orphan well-being within the context of the household. According to its findings, migrant orphans are less likely than non-migrant orphans to live in households with less favorable structural characteristics such as single-parent households. Significant differences are also found in the implied gains to living standards and schooling associated with migration among paternal, maternal, and double-orphans. However, the higher living standards and schooling attainment of orphan migrants relative to their non-migrant counterparts disappear within child-headed household contexts. More generally, the results indicate that the higher living standards of migrant orphans are in part driven by the fact that they mostly live in households with migrant household-heads or migrant spouses. Yet the analysis also suggests that orphans living within these contexts experience higher levels of intra-household discrimination in investments in their schooling, relative to their orphan counterparts who live in non-migrant households.     

Migration and fertility in the Philippines: Hendershot's selectivity model revisited

A demographer compared 1983 data on 5092 currently married migrant and nonmigrant women living in the Philippines to determine whether migration was still selective in terms of fertility behavior or not. Fertility was basically the same between migrant and nonmigrant women in their early reproductive years, but clear differences existed between older migrants and nonmigrants as indicated by children ever born (CEB). In fact, migration did not significantly affect cumulative fertility at all (correlation ratio=.03). Moreover its effect was further reduced when the researchers controlled for age and duration of marriage. Besides level of education and contraceptive use status contributed more to explanations of fertility differentials (correlation ratio=.09 for both) than did migration. The mean number of CEB adjusted for all variables fell with level of education from 4.18 for those with primary education to 3.63 to those with college education. This result identified education as a means to reduce high fertility in the Philippines. On the other hand, the mean was higher among women who ever used contraception than it was for those who never used it (4.21 vs. 3.72). Apparently considerable family size motivated mothers to use contraception. Since women who migrated to cities tended to be in the beginning of their reproductive period, considerable natural increase could occur in urban areas. Therefore the Philippines needed to devise a strategy for reducing fertility among migrant women as well as strategies for other groups such as professional/career oriented women and women who remained at home to tend to children and/or the home.     

Exploring Child Mortality Risks Associated with Diverse Patterns of Maternal Migration in Haiti

Internal migration is a salient dimension of adulthood in Haiti, particularly among women. Despite the high prevalence of migration in Haiti, it remains unknown whether Haitian women’s diverse patterns of migration influence their children’s health and survival. In this paper, we introduce the concept of lateral (i.e., rural-to-rural, urban-to-urban) versus nonlateral (i.e., rural-to-urban, urban-to-rural) migration to describe how some patterns of mothers’ internal migration may be associated with particularly high mortality among children. We use the 2006 Haitian Demographic and Health Survey to estimate a series of discrete-time hazard models among 7,409 rural children and 3,864 urban children. We find that compared with their peers with nonmigrant mothers, children born to lateral migrants generally experience lower mortality, whereas those born to nonlateral migrants generally experience higher mortality. Although there are important distinctions across Haiti’s rural and urban contexts, these associations remain net of socioeconomic factors, suggesting they are not entirely attributable to migrant selection. Considering the timing of maternal migration uncovers even more variation in the child health implications of maternal migration; however, the results counter the standard disruption and adaptation perspective. Although future work is needed to identify the processes underlying the differential risk of child mortality across lateral versus nonlateral migrants, the study demonstrates that looking beyond rural-to-urban migration and considering the timing of maternal migration can provide a fuller, more complex understanding of migration’s association with child health.     

The changing American family

This Bulletin documents recent changes in American family patterns resulting both from longterm trends in urbanization, industrialization, and economic growth and the disruption of the Great Depression and World War 2, as well as changed attitudes toward marriage, parenthood, divorce, and the roles of women. Following a postwar boom in the 1950s and 1960s, marriage rates have now fallen to levels observed in the early 20th century. Since 1970, the number of unmarried couples living together has more than tripled to 1.9 million in 1983. The divorce rate has now stabilized after more than doubling since 1960, but at the current level, 1/2 of all recent marriages will end in divorce. Most divorced persons remarry fairly quickly, often creating complex families of "step-relatives." With 19% of households with minor children now headed by a women with no husband present, up to 1/2 of all children will live for sometime in a fatherless family before age 18. Over 1/2 of all married women, including 49% of married mothers of preschool children, now hold a paid job outside the home. Working wives boost a family's income by an average 40% but still are expected to shoulder most responsiblility for home and childcare. White women now in their 20s say they expect to have an average of 2 children, but are delaying childbearing to such an extent that 29% could end up childless. Most of the elderly live on their own but usually near children whom they see frequently. Despite changes in traditional family patterns, Americans consistently report that a happy marriage and good family are the most important aspects of life. And though most Americans now live with few or no family members, they maintain active contact with a large network of family.