Financial and political resources of nine major public sector unions in the 1980s

Current research offers two potentially competing perspectives on union strength: membership and financial/political resources. We update and broaden the research on the financial and political resources of nine major public sector unions in the U.S. by reporting these unions’ financial assets, net worth, revenues, and political action committee (PAC) receipts during the 1980s and the early 1990s. We find that unions may expand their financial and political resources even though membership levels stagnate or decline. Overall, the unions have amassed larger asset bases, even though some have actually lost members. On a per member basis, federal executive branch unions do not appear as financially weak as the level of their financial resources suggests. Postal unions as a group are clearly the strongest in terms of per member financial and political resources. Federal executive branch unions have experienced a striking reduction in their PAC activity, while the postal and the state and local union PACs have grown substantially. Our analysis indicates that union membership may not adequately measure union strength.     

Labor union coercion of employees: The use of fringe benefits

In bargaining on fringe benefits, labor unions violate Section 8(b)(1)(A) of the National Labor Relations Act if they restrict benefits to members only. Even if fringe benefits are provided for nonunion members, a violation of the Act occurs if more stringent eligibility rules are required for nonmembers than for members. Sometimes unions deny fringe benefits to union members if fines or dues are not paid, but National Labor Relations Board has ruled that workers are restrained in violation of Section 8(b)(1)(A) if fringe benefits are withheld due to nonpayment of fines or dues.     

Trust violators in the labor movement: A study of union embezzlements

Union embezzlements, considered by many as one of the most serious breaches of trust, have not been seriously examined. My study sheds light on this topic by studying violations of the federal statute which prohibits union embezzlements, 29 U.S.C. 501 §(c). During the period October 1, 1993 to September 30, 1995, 104 individuals were convicted of violating this statute due to their collective victimization of 98 unions. Some findings were: loses tended to be under $25,000; victim unions were small in financial and membership size; unions lack basic financial controls; and offenders were usually male, acted alone, and tended to be part-time officers. I was an investigator with the United States Department of Labor, Office of Labor Management Standards for more than eight years (1/89 to 6/97). The information in this article is the result of my independent research and does not represent the findings, view, or opinions of any agency of the United States government.     

Public sector union democracy: A comparative analysis

A congressional subcommittee held “union democracy” hearings in 1998 and 1999 to debate the impact and effectiveness of the union-democracy protections provided by the Land rum-Griffin Act which provides union members in the private sector and U.S. Postal Service certain democratic rights and protections. What was not resolved at that hearing was whether state sector or public employee union members should also enjoy the same democracy protections. We survey the existing 28 state sector collective bargaining laws and find that the majority of state legislation falls considerably short of the protections provided by the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act. Moreover the consequences of limited state-enacted union-democracy protections are discussed and assessed to determine whether LMRDA jurisdiction should also cover public sector union members.     

“Salting” the contractors’ labor force: Construction unions organizing with NLRB assistance

The sharp decline in construction union membership during the last twenty years has led to a number of programs by these unions and unionized contractors to reverse their losses of members and business. The union activities have included several novel approaches designed both to narrow the cost gap between unionized and “open-shop” (largely nonunion) construction as well as to regain members. This article deals with one such program, “salting,” that is, the placing of union organizers or members in a nonunion facility to disrupt, to increase the costs of, or to organize the open-shop contractor. Union salting programs are examined, using actual cases to demonstrate how they work in practice, and policies of the National Labor Relations Board, on which the success of salting is heavily predicated, are analyzed. Professor Emeritus of Management; formerly, Director, Industrial Research Unit, and Chairman, Labor Relations Council.     

Tax-funded unionism: The unemployment connection

Labor unions are widely regarded as private organizations which finance their activities exclusively through revenues collected from members and others who are covered by collective bargaining agreements. In reality, however, U.S. unions receive millions of dollars each year through grants and contracts from federal, state, and local governments for a variety of purposes, including aid to the unemployed; these funds are used (sometimes illegally) to finance union operations, including political activities. This article briefly explores the phenomenon of tax-funded unionism.     

Irish Credit Unions: Exploring the Gender Mix

Credit unions are voluntary cooperative financial institutions. At present there are 621 credit unions in Ireland serving two million members. Credit unions espouse the principle of gender inclusiveness, which is viewed as a fundamental cooperative concept. Based on a survey of 500 Irish credit unions, this study explores the role of women in credit unions. Judged against participation rates for women in the labor market and in specific organizations such as trade unions, the study suggests that gender balance in credit unions is superior to that elsewhere in Irish society. There is, however, some evidence of gender imbalance in the composition of credit union boards with this being most visible for key decision-making positions such as Chair and Vice-Chair. It also emerges that gender imbalance becomes more pronounced for larger credit unions supporting the contention that women are found in greater numbers on small and less well-connected not-for-profit boards.     

The economic status of union workers in the United States

Although American labor unions evolved out of poverty, today’s typical union worker is relatively affluent. Current Population Survey data show that average annual household earnings in 2002 for full-time union workers were nearly $79,000, nearly double the median of all households (including ones with non-workers), and more than for nonunion worker households. While relatively few union workers are truly “poor,” a larger proportion (over one-third for members of teachers’ unions) comes from households with over $100,000 in annual income. A puzzle: why do union members tend to support liberal policies and politicians far more than their relative affluence would predict? Perhaps it partly reflects rent-seeking behavior.     

Does changing mandated reporting laws improve child maltreatment reporting in large U.S. counties?

The effects of changes in mandated child maltreatment reporting laws have not been systematically evaluated. To better understand the effects of these changes, the objectives of the present study are: (1) to assess the relationships between report rates and state universal and clergy reporting laws in 2010; (2) to compare the changes in total, confirmed, and maltreatment type report rates and with changes in reporting laws from 2000 to 2010, and (3) to examine whether there is any relationship with report rates and the nature of the mandated reporting law change. We used county-level data from the U.S. National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System for the years 2000 and 2010 to evaluate changes in reporting rates for total reports, confirmed reports, and confirmed maltreatment types while controlling for concurrent changes in child and community variables. We found that trends in 2010 for increased total and confirmed reports were similar to 2000 for counties with universal and/or clergy reporting requirements, which significantly contributed to report rates even after controlling for child and community factors. Universal reporting was associated with higher report rates for physical and sexual abuse, and clergy reporting requirements were associated with more sexual abuse, medical neglect and psychological maltreatment confirmed reports. However, while counties in states that changed their clergy reporting laws had higher increases in total reports, they had fewer confirmed physical and sexual abuse, neglect, and psychological maltreatment reports. More pronounced changes were noted in a state that made more pronounced changes in its clergy reporting laws. Policymakers should consider whether changing requirements for mandated reporting meaningfully improves child maltreatment identification.     

The political influence of unions and corporations on COPE votes in the U.S. senate, 1979–1988

The political influence of unions and corporations is examined by analyzing Senate roll-call votes on COPE-identified legislation for the period 1979–1988. Union PAC contributions and union membership both have significant positive effects on three different types of COPE legislation: Narrow Union, General Labor, and Non-Labor. In addition, corporate PAC contributions to senators’ opponents reduce their pro-union voting behavior on Narrow Union and General Labor bills. There is no evidence that the political influence of unions in the U.S. is declining.     

Doublebreasted operations and the decline of construction unionism

Labor relations in the construction industry are conducted under a legal framework that is both different and more favorable to unions than is that in industry generally. One aspect of this favored union environment is that construction employers are more subject to challenge than other employers if they operate both union and nonunion subsidiaries (“doublebreasted operations”). For almost a decade, the construction unions have attempted to obtain legislation disallowing this practice on the erroneous claims that it is unique to the construction industry and responsible for the decline of construction unions. This article examines the facts of the case and concludes that having both union and nonunion construction subsidiaries is no different from having both union and nonunion manufacturing subsidiaries insofar as the structure and operational organization of such companies are concerned; that the initial National Labor Relation Board decision in regard to doublebreasted operations in the construction industry was merely an application of precedent of some years previous in other industries; and that construction industry doublebreasted operations are much more a result than a cause of union decline. Professor Emeritus of Management; formerly, Professor of Industry; Director, Industrial Research Unit; and Chairman, Labor Relations Council.     

Union Reform and Labor Law: Miners For Democracy and the Use of the Landrum-Griffin Act

In 1970, Miners For Democracy [MFD], a rank-and-file reform group within the United Mine Workers of America [UMWA], filed suit under the Landrum-Griffin Act to overturn the 1969 UMWA presidential election on grounds of fraud, intimidation, and corruption. Dissatisfied with the government’s prosecution of the case, MFD lawyers filed suit to gain intervenor status in the courtroom. Trbovich v. United Mine Workers of America allowed MFD lawyers to join the prosecution and help win the case, setting an important precedent. The election rules resulting from the Trbovich case created conditions for a fair campaign and an honest count. MFD won the election supervised by the Department of Labor, providing an important case study of the impact of the LMRDA.     

Private sector unions: The myth of decline

Conventional wisdom holds that private sector labor unions are in “crisis” due to the loss of millions of members over the past two decades which has resulted in a dramatic decline in their economic viability and political power. Financial data for selected years between 1960 and 1987 are analyzed to show that, contrary to prevailing opinion, private sector unions are financially prosperous despite membership erosion. Evidence is also presented which indicates that union political efforts and influence have increased rather than declined in recent years. Resources have been allocated to political advocacy to obtain a more favorable public policy environment for labor organizations and to achieve gains that have eluded unions in collective bargaining. The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Ms. Sybil Jones at the National Institute for Labor Relations Research.     

Labor union coercion: The misuse of the grievance procedure

Labor unions provide security to workers through the use of the grievance procedure. Unions, however, may misuse their power and thereby reduce the security of workers. Such misuse has been documented through Section 8(b)(1)(A) of the National Labor Relations Act, as amended, which outlaws “restraint and coercion” by labor unions. Few cases involving coercion through the use of the grievance procedure were filed during the 1950s and 1960s, but the number of cases began growing in the 1970s, possibly because of the growing legal sophistication of those involved in labor relations. Such cases still number under 15 annually.     

Unions and social media: Prospects for gender inclusion

The emergence of web 2.0 technologies led to optimistic predictions that social media (SM) might alter traditional gendered patterns of member participation in trade unions. Greene, Hogan, and Grieco and others suggested that the forms of communication and engagement these technologies offered to unions and their members had the potential to foster gender inclusion and contribute to union diversity, arguably central to effective representation. This article reports on a survey of union members’ experiences with and perceptions of their union's SM services, to identify whether there is a gendered dimension to members’ use. The findings indicate that for most union members regardless of gender, more traditional communication channels such as face‐to‐face contact and email remain the preferred means of communication. However, the findings also show that women are just as likely as men, if not more so, to engage with union SM. Given that historically, women largely participated less in union activities than their male counterparts, this broad parity of use by women supports the conclusion that SM has substantial potential to improve women's participation in unions.     

What did Unions do? The Case of Illinois Coal Mining in the 1880s

This study asks what unions did for Illinois coal miners in the 1880s. It measures the outcomes provided by a traditional union and the Knights of Labor, primarily via difference-in-differences applied to a panel of coal mining counties in Illinois. Neither the traditional union nor the Knights of Labor was able to raise wages, provide benefits, or reduce hours per workday. The traditional union reduced days of work per year. Circumstantial evidence suggests the unions were able to ensure prompt payment of wages due.     

Labor and the democratic party: A report on the 1998 elections

The nature of the relationship between organized labor and the Democratic party — still much debated among scholars —can be usefully examined through an analysis of the role of unions in the 1998 congressional elections. Evidence drawn from a wide range of sources shows that the AFL- CIO and its affiliated unions devoted considerable financial and organizational resources to mobilizing union members and allied con-stituencies to vote for Democratic candidates. Combined with the unions' direct finan-cial contributions to campaigns, this activity made unions important players in the elections and helped project an image of potency and effectiveness in the news media and among politicians. As a result, the labor/Democrat alliance remained stronger than one would expect on the basis of union density figures alone.     

Unions in the 2000 election: A strategic-choice perspective

In the 2000 elections, organized labor mounted a“massive“ political effort. The AFL-CIO spearheaded a program that emphasized both grassroots and“checkbook” politics. Labor 2000, however, represented much more than an attempt to influence elections. Political action, dedicated to a“Working Families Agenda“ became a strategy of choice to elect candidates, influence lawmakers, mobilize union members, and recruit workers into the labor movement. In this paper, I examine Labor 2000 from a strategic-choice perspective. Specifically, I look at the scope and variety of labor's political effort; how labor allocated its political resources; the degree of competition it faced; and the election outcomes. In addition, I examine the effort in terms of its potential for transforming unions. Data from a variety of sources, some of which have not been previously used, are examined to put Labor 2000 into perspective as a strategy. The results indicate that labor did have some success in mobilizing union members politically. However, labor's impact proved insufficient to achieve immediate national election goals. Questions remain about the wisdom of political action as a strategy of choice, especially in terms of its viability as an instrument for institutional revival.     

Construction doublebreasted operations and pre-hire agreements: Assessing the issues

Labor relations in the construction industry are conducted under a legal framework that is both different and more favorable to unions than is that in industry generally. Thus, construction employers are more subject to challenge than those in other industries if they operate both union and nonunion subsidiaries; construction unions, but not those in most other industries, may enter into agreements before anyone is hired (“pre-hire agreements”), require employees to join unions after ten days of employment instead of thirty, and require the contractor to notify them of job openings. Despite these advantages, construction unions represented only 22.2 percent of all construction workers in 1987, down from 40.1 percent in 1973, while nonunion, or “open shop,” construction accounted for more than 70 percent of the construction dollar volume as early as 1984. Attempting to overcome these trends, the construction unions have sponsored legislation in the current and last two congresses which would outlaw “doublebreasting,” i.e., one company owning both unionized and open shop subsidiaries, eliminate any restrictions on pre-hire agreements, and have the effect of forcing thousands of construction workers into unions regardless of their wishes. This article examines the reasons for the decline of construction unionism, analyzes the proposed legislation, discusses its probable impact, and concludes that it is lacking in justification for the common good.     

Some economic effects of the California agricultural labor relations act

The California Agricultural Labor Relations Act (CALRA) evolved in the 1970s because the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) excluded agricultural workers. CALRA effectively placed the United Farm Workers Union in a stronger bargaining position vis-a-vis farmers than the NLRA had done for industrial unions vis-a-vis nonfarm business firms. Society has suffered a net economic loss from CALRA and the events preceding its enactment. Since passage of the act, at least three effects have been verified: Relative to conditions that would otherwise have been expected to exist, consumers are facing higher prices; agricultural workers are earning lower wages; and landowners have suffered losses in land values.