反恐战争与美国-伊斯兰世界矛盾的演进

"9·11"事件后,随着美国反恐战争的深入推进,伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化.这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴,向社会和意识形态领域延伸,形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面.美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧,成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一.     

反恐战争与美国-伊斯兰世界矛盾的演进

“9·11”事件后，随着美国反恐战争的深入推进，伊斯兰世界对美国反恐战争的认识和反应发生了深刻变化。这些变化导致美国与伊斯兰世界的矛盾超出国家范畴，向社会和意识形态领域延伸，形成了一个国家对抗一种宗教群体的局面。美国与伊斯兰世界矛盾的重大演变导致双方的敌意和对立进一步加剧，成为影响当前国际局势的主要因素之一。     

World War II and the Transformation of the U.S. State: The Wartime Foundations of U.S. Hegemony

I present an analysis of the history of U.S. expansion and rise to hegemony in World War II, and argue that the concrete global perspectives and postwar ambitions of U.S. state managers were formed in the course of world war itself. They were not the result of preconceived economic or geopolitical policies or aims. I examine U.S. expansion and postwar goals in the military, economic, and political arenas, and show how social processes set in motion by world war in each of these dimensions were central in shaping the distinctive outcomes. I develop a theoretical perspective of world war as a social process, and argue that such an extraordinary period of violence, historical contingency, and state-led expansion involves potentially unique features of macrohistorical development and change.     

High stakes: U.S. nonprofit organizations and the U.S. standing abroad

This research sought to explain the agency of U.S.-based nonprofit nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the U.S. standing abroad, and explore the NGO role in the U.S. public diplomacy. A multiple-case study method was used to look at five 501(c)(3) organizations that receive predominantly private funding and operate globally. The data gathered from in-person interviews and corporate documentation were compared between cases, and synthesized across cases using the theory-building technique. While U.S. standing affects American NGOs’ practices and discourses, American NGOs’ behavior might have a bearing on the attitudes, perceptions, and opinions of international publics about the United States. Both the NGO-owned state identities and American NGOs’ reputation for autonomy and freedom of expression enhance the U.S. public diplomacy efforts.     

The sociology of U.S. gun culture

Despite the fact that a robust culture centered on the legal ownership and use of guns by law‐abiding gun owners exists in the United States, there is no sociology of U.S. gun culture. Rather, the social scientific study of guns is dominated by criminological and epidemiological studies of gun violence. As a corrective to this oversight, I outline what a sociology of U.S. gun culture should look like. In the first section, I give a brief history of U.S. gun culture from the founding era through the 1960s. Guns began as tools of necessity in the colonies and on the frontier, but evolved into equipment for sport hunting and shooting, as well as desired commodities for collecting. The second section examines these recreational pursuits which formed the core of U.S. gun culture for most of the 20th century. Although recreation remains an important segment, the central emphasis of U.S. gun culture has gradually shifted to armed self‐defense over the course of the past half‐century. The third section examines the rise of this culture of armed citizenship, what I call “Gun Culture 2.0,” the current iteration of the country's historic gun culture. I conclude by suggesting important avenues for future research.     

Social mobility among migrants between Mexico and the U.S. and within the U.S. labor market

This paper uses data collected in 4 Mexican communities (2 rural and 2 urban) in 1982 and 1983, using a sample of 200 households, plus an additional 25 households. This analysis supports these hypotheses: 1) a U-shaped pattern of occupational mobility exists among migrants to the US; 2) the reversal of the initial downward mobility is positively correlated with the accumulation of experience within the US; and 3) the relative steepness of both legs of the pattern vary across socioeconomic with rural origin, illegal, and poorly educated migrants experiencing the slowest reversal of fortune. The occupational mobility of Mexican migrants to the US has 2 distinct phases: 1) labor market entry and 2) that which occurs within the US labor market. Both phases are characterized by occupational immobility and by migrants' area of origin. Other important findings are 1) the slowness with which upward mobility occurs among migrants on their 1st trip, 2) the dominance of agriculture as an occupational group, and 3) an improvement in mobility prospects with increased US experience for repeat migrants. Immobility for 1st time entrants pervades all occupational categories and is exceptionally high for rural origin migrants in agriculture. Rural origin unskilled workers encounter greater mobility constraints, indicating a rural agricultural worker may accomplish an upward movement to the unskilled category, but the chances of further movement are remote. Upon entering the US, the probability of being employed in agriculture is over 25% for all groups except the unskilled. Adjusting successfully to US society is best accomplished by migrants whose Mexican occupation is professional, technical, skilled, or service or who have carefully timed their migration and have accumulated significant experience in the host society. It is only with exposure to the US society, either through a prolonged stay or many trips, that a migrant can overcome the debilitating effects of a disadvantaged socioeconomic background.     

美国经济复苏的前景与走向

美国经济复苏总的势头没有改变,但是增长乏力,面临着非常多、非常严峻的挑战。关国货币政策现在还面临着两难的窘境,财政状况不断恶化,债务上限问题就是非常明显的例子。预计美国整个财政政策将被迫做出调整。短期内,美国经济将在一个中低速增长中波动。     

Intermarriage in the U.S.

No abstract available for this article.     

The future of private sector unions in the U.S.

Conclusion As noted, the union movement’s significant decline during the last four decades is primarily a private sector phenomenon. Since the mid-1950s, the union density of private sector workers has dropped from more than a third to less than a tenth, in contrast to that found in government employment, which is now about 37 percent. We are indebted to the Donner Foundation for support and to Noah Meltz and Rafael Gomez for research and intellectual advice.     

U.S. sociology and the Iraq War

The 2003 U.S. invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq had profound consequences for the people living in that nation. In this essay, I provide a brief overview of the dramatic changes that transpired in Iraq due to the war. I then move on to highlight the contributions U.S. sociologists have made in studies regarding the conflict, based on a review of articles published from 2003–2016 in ten generalist U.S.‐based journals. My review shows that while U.S. sociology has made significant contributions to further collective knowledge about American aspects of the Iraq War, U.S. sociologists have paid very little attention to the actual impacts of the invasion and occupation on Iraqi social organizations, Iraqi culture, and on the lives of individual Iraqis. I make the case that these historically significant events deserve more scholarly attention than they have been given so far. I further argue that U.S. sociologists have a special responsibility to document, study, and explain the consequences of their government's behavior when it causes extensive harm to people living in another land.     

The Grassroots Reconfiguration of U.S. Immigration Policy

Despite the increasing constriction of immigrants' rights at the federal level, local responses have been much more varied, countering, compensating for, even transforming policies originating from the national core. This article attributes this divergence in part to the multi‐layered, ambiguous, and contradictory structure of the U.S. nation‐state in the context of a transnational economy and society. It shows how three facets of state structural complexity‐its multiple levels, diverse administrative branches, and decentralized agencies‐have created openings for local actors, deploying normative arguments as to the issues at stake, to reshape the outcomes of U.S. immigration policy on the ground.     

美国在中东的民主困境--试析美国的大中东计划

自小布什总统上台以来,促进民主已经成为美国中东政策的核心支柱之一.布什总统的大中东民主计划是美国民主化战略的重要一环,本文将对该计划与克林顿政府和欧洲的民主计划作简要比较,在此基础上对其未来的发展作初步评估.     

美国中东政策的缘起--罗斯福对战后中东的构想及其影响

直到二战爆发美国才真正开始制定其中东政策,罗斯福在战时提出的包括其世界蓝图在内的一系列构想对后来美历届政府中东政策的制定和战后世界格局及一些地区性问题的产生、发展和走向都产生了巨大影响.     

美国中东政策的缘起——罗斯福对战后中东的构想及其影响

直到二战爆发美国才真正开始制定其中东政策，罗斯福在战时提出的包括其世界蓝图在内的一系列构想对后来美历届政府中东政策的制定和战后世界格局及一些地区性问题的产生、发展和走向都产生了巨大影响。     

The implications of Articles 37 and 40 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child for U.S. juvenile justice and U.S. ratification of the convention

The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) guarantees that children accused of crimes will have the right to fair court procedures and humane sentences. Current U.S. laws concerning the child's age when a court has jurisdiction, and others concerning sentencing practices and the place of confinement, contravene the provisions of the CRC. Some U.S. laws are consistent with the treaty but are nonetheless not enforced. Recent developments, including increasing understanding of brain development, U.S. Supreme Court decisions on the constitutionality of punishments for children, and the Committee on the Rights of the Child General Comment 10, will have substantial impacts on U.S. ratification. This article discusses Articles 37 and 40 of the CRC and their effect on U.S. practices if the treaty is ratified.     

Child Maltreatment in the U.S.

No abstract available for this article.