Going home: migration careers of southern Nigerians

Using data on the career migration histories of 533 residents (over 60 years old) of 3 southern Nigerian cities and 471 residents (over 60 years old) of 21 villages within 30 km of these cities, this study compares nonmigrants, returnees, and immigrants on educational and occupational background and ages at 1st and last migration. Findings show that 1) a large majority intend to return home, but many never do; 2) the majority of returnees go home before retirement; 3) migrants over age 65, and especially over age 75, are unlikely to return home; 4) as education and opportunities expand, it is likely that the majority of present cohorts of migrants will spend most of their working lives away from home; 5) economic success may be used to build a house in the city to which one has migrated or to retire in one's home village; 6) most Nigerians look forward to self-employment which facilitates migration and a return home; 7) more widespread wage-employment, with compulsory retirement at age 60, may greatly change the age pattern of returns; and 8) automatic village care is declining as a large proportion of villagers spend their mature years away and those who remain behind may be unable to cope with the increasing number of old people, returnees, and nonmigrants; thus, movement to towns in old age is increasing, especially among women.     

Economic Reintegration of Ethiopian Women Returned from the Middle East

Current migration studies and policy reviews neglect the vital link between migration experiences of labour migrants and their return and reintegration process. The objective of this study is to highlight the phenomenon and bring the matter to policy makers’ attention. This study uses in‐depth interviews and a series of focus group discussions to explore the relationship between migration experiences and economic reintegration of unskilled Ethiopian women who are return migrants from Middle Eastern countries. Economic reintegration, which in its basic form is about securing a livelihood, is a challenge for most returnees. The reason relates to the migration settings, preparedness and reintegration assistance in the home county. Reintegration assistance for involuntary returnees is beneficial only for those who manage to obtain some savings out of their migration. The findings imply the need for policy improvements regarding the working conditions of female domestic workers in the host countries and reintegration programmes in the home countries.     

The Ambiguity of Return Migration: Prolonged Crisis and Uncertainty in the Life Strategies of Young Romanian and Latvian Returnees

Drawing on qualitative research, this study endeavours to identify the determinants of return migration of young Romanians and Latvians in light of the most recent global economic crisis (GEC). The decision-making patterns of young returnees are examined by three main research questions. How do macro-events, such as the GEC, interfere with individual biographies creating specific return experiences? What can we say about the “crisis returnees”, their migration motivations and re-adaptation in the origin country? What are the main challenges of young adults facing life strategies in such uncertain periods? Data are drawn from 51 in-depth interviews with Romanian and Latvian young adults, carried out in late 2015 and early 2016. Findings show that return migration is associated with economic conditions, family life, feelings of homesickness, and re-adaptation experiences. Our results also confirm that youth transitions and migration have become more diversified and complex in the context of the economic crisis.     

The impact of migration on gender roles: findings of field research in Turkey

Findings are based on a sample of four types of Turkish women affected by migration: 1) pioneer women who emigrated on their own (33 persons); 2) followers with wage work experience, who joined or left with husbands (44 persons); 3) followers without wage work experience (39 persons); and 4) women left behind when husbands migrated (45 persons). These women are compared to a non-migrant control group (54 persons). Sample surveys were conducted in three sites, which varied in levels of industrial development, economic diversification, and urbanization (Ankara, Kisehir, and eight rural villages in the province of Kisehir). The sample includes returnees registered with the Social Insurance Institute and persons located by the chain inquiry method. Prior research supports the importance of including typologies based on family types, marriage types, levels of education, and experience with wage work. This study confirms that pioneer women were more likely to have romantic marriages, to have nuclear families, to have higher educational levels, and to have prior wage work. Analysis of the 116 women with migration experience shows that 75% migrated during 1968-74. 22% migrated after 1980. 51% were returnees during 1983-85, and many received retirement benefits. Almost 65% spent 10 or more years abroad. 56% were aged under 24 years. 85% were married at the time of emigration. 61% viewed their migration experiences as improving their maturity and ability to handle affairs compared to nonmigrant women. 88% became housewives after returning. 27% of return migrants and 82% of nonmigrants had never had their own bank accounts. 69% of return migrants and only 22% of nonmigrants reported movement outside the home without permission. 63% of migrants and 39% of nonmigrants would cast political votes independently of their husbands. Migrating women exercised more independent behavior but retained traditional responsibility for housework. The greatest differences were between women with wage work and women without or with migrating husbands. Followers without wage work were the most disadvantaged. Migration is viewed as a significant factor in determining gender roles among Turkish women.     

Returnees' Perspectives on Their Re‐migration Processes

The return of refugees and migrants back to their country of origin is an important topic on the agenda of Western European governments, as return is considered as the most “durable solution” for the “refugee problem”, and as an instrument with which to tackle “illegal” migration. However, these migration policies generally lack a clear evidence base, as little studies have focused on returnees' current living situations and on their perspectives on the re‐migration process. In this paper we therefore try to listen to returnees' voices, through in‐depth interviews with four Nepalese migrants both before (in Belgium) and after (in Nepal) their return, and with 16 returnees after their return to Nepal. The interviews show how most returnees start with a disadvantageous “point of departure” to realize a “successful” return: mostly, they do not really depart “voluntarily”, and they only have limited possibilities for preparing their return and setting realistic expectations. But also, back in the “home country”, most returnees judge their current economic, social and political living situation as bad, meeting little of the expectations that they set before they returned. The participants consider the support they received through the NGOs' return programmes as minimal, because they are mostly limited to a small amount of financial support, and thus of little significance in these returnees' efforts to rebuild their lives in their “home” country. If return programmes want to make a difference in returnees' lives, they should have two extensive components in the “home” and the “host” country, incorporating in both components an integral approach, including economic, political, social and psychological aspects. Viewing these findings, it is not surprising that most interviewees eventually evaluate their return as unsuccessful, and many returnees consider re‐emigration, all of which clearly questions the current basis of worldwide migration policies.     

Rich dad,poor dad: the impact of family background on educated young people’s migration from peripheral China

Along with its rapid economic growth, economic inequality rises and intergenerational mobility declines in China. Meanwhile, significant growth in HEIs’ enrolment has contributed to major migration flows across the country. This research investigates the impact of family background on the migration location choice of educated young people from peripheral China, based on data from a life-course survey of recent graduates of tertiary education institutions originating from Chaohu, China. Logistic models are employed to analyse young people’s migration to receive higher education, whether inside or outside the home province, and the location trajectories afterwards. While the findings confirm the association between university and post-university location choice, substantial interaction effects are found between location choice and family background. Young people from different family backgrounds adopt different strategies of geographical mobility in their transition to adulthood. In particular, young people from privileged families are more likely to leave the home province for higher education and return after graduation, whereas those from underprivileged families are more likely to study within the home province and then move away.     

Problems faced by migrants and their family members,particularly second generation migrants,in returning to and reintegrating into their countries of origin

The growing tendency in Europe and other countries to introduce return migration as an element of migration policy has provoked a number of migration studies. Some of the problems faced by returning migrants and their families have been identified and are outlined here. First generation returning migrants face problems with social and economic assimilation: 1) returnees often practice conspicuous consumption which is resented by local people as the behavior of the new rich; those without the opportunity to migrate are particularly resentful. 2) The receiving country most often views the returnee as identical to the migrant who left years ago; problems with sociocultural reintegration are not recognized and no action is taken in that direction. 3) The homeland's economic situation and employment situation may not be strong enough to introduce social programs for returnees. 4) Returnees may have trouble finding new friends and community support. 5) Returnees are often underutilized in their home countries because the economic system is unable to absorb them. The second generation's problem in remigration may be classed into problems with social adjustment, integration into the educational system, and integration into the labor market. 1) Adolescent girls are likely to encounter difficulties because they are forced more frequently than boys to conform to traditional behavior patterns. 2) Youngsters have to learn that everyday life is heavily family-oriented, and that social control is very strong. 3) Lack of compatibility between the educational systems in the 2 countries disfavors the returnees; they may be barred from the school system because of language deficiencies or because priority is given to local students. 4) Many countries receiving youngsters have extremely high unemployment rates and cannot absorb these returnees into their labor force. 5) Although girls are generally better educated than boys, they work in lower-ranking jobs. The return movement calls for cooperation between the countries of immigration and remigration. More detailed research and observation are needed, particularly in defining differences between returnees and nonreturnees, between the sexes, and among age groups.     

What Determines the Embeddedness of Forced‐Return Migrants? Rethinking the Role of Pre‐ and Post‐Return Assistance1

Return migration is not always a process of simply “going home.” Particularly when return is not fully voluntarily, returnees face severe obstacles. This study argues that such return can only become sustainable when returnees are provided with possibilities to become re‐embedded in terms of economic, social network, and psychosocial dimensions. We analyze the return migration experiences of 178 rejected asylum seekers and migrants who did not obtain residence permit to six different countries: Afghanistan, Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sierra Leone, Togo and Vietnam. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods of data analysis, we identify several key factors that influence prospects for embeddedness, such as individual and family characteristics, position in the migration cycle, and the role of pre‐ and post‐return assistance. We find that the possibilities for successful return are highly dependent on the living circumstances provided in the host country: returnees who were enabled to engage in work, had access to independent housing and freedom to develop social contacts proved to be better able to exercise agency and maintain self‐esteem. Post‐return assistance by non‐governmental organizations will be particularly helpful when financial support is combined with human guidance and practical information to enhance a more sustainable return process.     

The Dynamics of Repeat Migration: A Markov Chain Analysis1

This article studies repeat or circular migration between the host and home countries using panel data for Germany, distinguishing between factors generating single moves, circular migration, and absorption. Migrants are more likely to leave early after their first arrival in Germany, and when they have social and familial bonds in the home country, but less likely when they have a job in Germany and speak the language well. Once out‐migrated, the return probability is mainly affected by remittances and family considerations. Circular migration is fostered by vocational training in the host country and older age. Whereas male migrants are 9 percent more likely to return to their home country than female migrants, gender is not significant for predicting the return to move back to Germany.     

The case of Asian migrants to the Gulf Region

International migration from Asia to the Gulf Region is desirable and has benefited both individuals and the countries. At the individual level, migrants benefit economically and socially. They earn more income and are able to improve the quality of life of their family members when they return home. Although there are cases of negative impacts of international migration, such as fraud and corruption, as well as broken homes and extravagance, in general most migrants benefit and the experiences are worthwhile. Available data indicate that there are occupational shifts, a change in attitude towards community life, the world situation, and attainment of goals. At the national level, international migration has brought in foreign exchange and helped reduce unemployment. In addition to facilitating and making the pre-migration phase as easy as possible, activities of government during migration and post-migration phases are also required if the government is truly to promote international migration. Establishment of the post of Labor Attache in embassies will support migrants while they work abroad by providing services and moral support, thus making adjustment in host countries easier. Upon returning home, the government can provide consulting services to returnees on investment possibilities and may be able to tap resources form returnees for overall development. Granted that returnees are ordinary people with not much savings, remittances in foreign currency sent home have reduced financial difficulties in the home country. International migration is seen by the author as a rite-of-passage. This is an activity or an educational experience which happens once or twice in a lifetime and is not repeated. There must be a revolving system where young people migrate to work, gain experience, earn extra income, and return to settle down, bringing with them the benefits gained while working abroad. Data collected from this study show negative social impacts, especially when migration covers a long period in one's lifetime. In promoting international migration, the government therefore has to help returnees settle down and treat international migration as an educational experience.     

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Post‐return experiences and transnational belonging of return migrants: a Dutch—Moroccan case study

In this article we explore the links between return migration, belonging and transnationalism among migrants who returned from the Netherlands to northeast Morocco. While transnationalism is commonly discussed from the perspective of a receiving country, this study shows that transnationalism also plays a vital role in reconstructing post‐return belonging. Return migration is not simply a matter of ‘going home’, as feelings of belonging need to be renegotiated upon return. While returnees generally feel a strong need to maintain various transnational practices, the meanings they attach to these practices depend on motivations for return, gender and age. For former (male) labour migrants, transnational practices are essential for establishing post‐return belonging, whereas such practices are less important for their spouses. Those who returned as children generally feel uprooted, notwithstanding the transnational practices they maintain. The amount of agency migrants are able to exert in the return decision‐making process is a key factor in determining the extent to which returnees can create a post‐return transnational sense of home.     

Demographic and socioeconomic determinants of female rural to urban migration in Sub-Saharan Africa

Data from the 1986-90 Demographic and Health Surveys of Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo, and Uganda were used to examine the impact of fertility, child mortality, and socioeconomic and demographic factors on female rural-urban migration of six months or more duration. Several principles appear to direct the migration of high fertility women. High parity women are free from the male demands for more children. Rural areas lack basic amenities such as schools, health services, and modern housing. Additional children may strain family resources and require additional income from other sources. Husband and kin may have already moved. All data are nationally representative, with the exception of Uganda with an 80% sample. Women living in rural areas two years prior to the survey were included in the sample. Fertility and mortality data pertain to children aged under five years in the period two to seven years before the survey year. Multinomial logit analysis was based on an analytical model developed by Goldstein and Goldstein. High fertility was found to deter female migration to either urban or rural areas. Women, who had one surviving child aged under five years, were significantly less likely to move to urban areas only in Nigeria and Senegal and to other villages in Burundi compared to women without a recent birth. Women with two or more surviving children were significantly less likely (by 43-75%) to move to urban areas in five out of seven countries. Moves to rural areas were less likely by 36-61% in six out of eight countries. The evidence does not suggest that the reason for moves is to advance the children's material or physical well-being. The number of births, particularly in Kenya where fertility is very high in rural areas, acts as a deterrent to migration. Child mortality only constrains moves to urban areas. Unmarried women, single women, better educated women, and adults in their 20s are more likely to move to urban areas.     

Take Me “Home”: Return Migration among Germany's Older Immigrants

This paper examines the determinants of return migration as foreign‐born men approach old age in Germany. Return migration in later life engages a different set of conditions from return migration earlier on, including the framing of return as a possible retirement strategy. Using 23 years of longitudinal data from the German Socioeconomic Panel, this paper investigates how social and economic resources of immigrant men influence decisions to return “home.” Results suggest that immigrants from former guest worker recruitment countries within the European Union are more likely to return than non‐EU immigrants. In addition, return migrants are “negatively selected” so that those with the least education and weakest attachments to the labor force are more likely to emigrate. However, findings vary greatly depending on the immigrant's age and country of origin. Results from this paper highlight the heterogeneity of older immigrants and the factors that motivate their return “home”.     

Back to Square One: Socioeconomic Integration of Deported Migrants

This paper addresses the issue of socioeconomic integration of forced return migrants, focusing on the Maghreb countries. Starting from the hypothesis that the return has to be prepared, I tested whether a disruption in the migration cycle (such as deportation) increases the individual's vulnerability and affects his integration from both a structural and sociocultural point of view, using the 2006 Migration de Retour au Maghreb (MIREM, or Return Migration to the Maghreb) survey. I found that forced returnees are more vulnerable to negative labor market outcomes compared to voluntary returnees. The absence of forced returnees from the labor market, or their underperformances, creates a net loss for the origin country and also incentives to re‐migrate. The negative effect is statistically significant not only immediately after return, but also in the long run, at survey time. Forced return is also significantly and negatively correlated with sociocultural integration, reflecting a marginalization of deported migrants in their home environment, which may act as a re‐emigration incentive.     

Gendering Interprovincial Migration in China1

Migration is a gendered phenomenon, best understood as a series of relationships between socioeconomic factors and gender. Gender differences in migration efficiencies are investigated using the 1990 Census data in China. Results indicate that, although male migration rates are higher, female migration is more efficient in the sense that it contributes to greater population redistribution than male migration. Reflecting different economic and social roles, women are more likely to state social and family reasons for moving while men indicate economic motivations. In terms of the geography of movement, women are more sensitive than men to perceived and expected regional differences in economic opportunities, especially in rural areas. Job opportunities created in urban areas and by foreign enterprises are more attractive to male migrants. Development of light manufacturing industries and the benefits derived from the presence of previous migrants draw female more than male migrants.     

Migration,urbanization, and fertility in the Philippines

3 groups of women are compared in this study of the effect of migration on fertility in a less developed country: 1) rural sedentary; 2) rural to rural migrants; and 3) rural to urban migrants. The data are from a 1970 household interview study conducted by the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado in Magsayay and Matanao, Davao Province, Mindanao, the Philippines. Social, economic, and mortality data were gathered from the household head and/or spouse for each household member and each child living elsewhere. Reproductive histories were obtained only from women for all women 15 years of age and older living in the 2 rural communities and living elsewhere. Age specific fertility rates and child woman ratios showed a declining gradient of fertility with social distance from the rural home communities. Age at marriage and education were positively associated with distance from the home communities and negatively associated with fertility. The data provide support for the hypothesis that recent migration is innovative, engaged in by more modernized persons who are motivated by aspiration to new goals, thus migration has a negative effect on fertility. Urbanization had its major impact after peak fertility years, 20-29, influencing urban migrants to bring their fertility under voluntary control. No such curtailment appeared in the late reproductive behavior of rural sedentary or migrant women. Urbanization seems to have a negative effect on fertility independent of migration. Young migrant women, in their teens, particularly those migrating to urban areas, did not fit the social mobility model; they tended to complete fewer years of school and married at an earlier age. These young urban migrants also had higher fertility than both rural sedentary and rural migrant females while in their teen years.     

Young women in a male periphery — Experiences from the Scandinavian north

This paper deals with the migration of young women from rural areas in northern Scandinavia. The way from adolescence to adulthood is discussed and the notion of a male periphery is presented. An attempt is made to shift focus in studies of rural youth migration. The emphasis here is on the socially constructed space that the young women leave. Is one reason behind the rural migration pattern to be found in the male periphery? The periphery is dominated by male economic and leisure activities. Women in the rural areas are less visible, and their activities are not as valued as the male activities. Young men tend to follow in the footstep of their fathers, while young rural women break with the mothers on their life paths. There are few modern role models for the daughters in the periphery. A study of young women and men in Troms county in northern Norway is used to illustrate the women's paths from adolescence to adult life. Young women in rural Troms do, to a much larger extent than the young rural men, take higher education. They have ambitions of highly qualified jobs, either in towns or in their home localities. The young rural women break new ground by continuing in higher education. The young men run the risk of being left behind as losers.     

A ‘Minority’ on the Move: Boundary Work among Filipina Muslim Migrant Domestic Workers in the Middle East

This article analyses the migration of a religious ‘minority’ that is largely invisible within migration studies, namely Muslim Filipina domestic workers. More specifically, this research shows that the category of ‘minority’ is not fixed and is always negotiated through transnational spaces and boundary work. In doing so, the article highlights how religious belonging, the status of minority and migration intersect and are negotiated during the period prior to these women leaving their country, during their time in the country of destination, and when they return to the Philippines. How boundary work affects the religious belonging of this Muslim ‘minority’ is underlined by presenting the Middle East as an opportunity to perform norms of ‘Muslimness’. The performance of these norms as an opportunity for these women to challenge the status of being a ‘minority’ in the Philippines is also examined. Finally, this article shows how these Muslim ‘minorities’ gain access to a certain symbolic capital by becoming hajji and balikbayan (returnees) when they return home.