International migration and sustainable human development in eastern and southern Africa

International migration in eastern and southern Africa (ESA) is rarely addressed in population and development policies or regional organizations, and regional organizations must in the articulation of sustainable shared development identify the role of international migration. Poor quality data on international migration hampers analysis. Sustainable, shared, and human development within the region are subregional issues. Permanent migration is characterized among ESA countries as increasing demographic ethnic pluralism that may result in redrawing of territorial boundaries and further population movement. Portuguese and Arab settlement and integration in eastern areas resulted in coexistence, while European immigration to South Africa resulted in racial segregation. Modern colonial settlement and the aftermath of political conflict resulted in independent countries after the 1960s and outmigration of nonAfrican groups. Much of the labor migration in ESA is unskilled workers moving to South African mining regions. Labor migration to Zimbabwe and Zambia declined after the 1960s. The formation of the Common Market for ESA and the potential merger with the Preferential Trade Area and South African Development Community is a key approach to integration of migration into regional cooperation and shared development. Refugee movements create the most problems. Prior to 1992 ESA countries accounted for 83.4% of refugees, particularly in Mozambique, Ethiopia, and Somalia. Some countries blame poor economic performance on the deluge of refugees. Illegal migration is currently detected because of the required work permits, but the adoption of the Common Market would obscure this phenomenon. Human development is affected most by migrations related to drought, labor migration to strong economic areas, and return migration. The Inter-Governmental Authority on Drought and Development needs to become more active and establish better policies on nomadic and refugee movements and displaced populations. Movement of educated populations to countries lacking in trained and skilled human resources is a future challenge. Strategies of immigration should facilitate economic development.     

Emigration dynamics of eastern African countries

This examination of emigration dynamics focuses on 13 countries extending from Eritrea to Zimbabwe and Mozambique on the eastern African mainland and on 5 Indian Ocean island nations. The first part of the study looks at the temporal, spatial, and structural perspectives of emigration dynamics. Part 2 considers international migration in the region according to Appleyard's typology (permanent settlers, labor migration, refugees, and illegal migrants) with the additional category of return migration. Measurement issues in emigration dynamics are discussed in part 3, and the demographic/economic setting is the topic of part 4. The demographic factors emphasized include spatial distribution, population density, population structure, population dynamics, demographic transition, and the relationship between internal and international migration. Other major topics of this section of the study are the economic base, the human resource base, population and natural resources, the sociocultural context (emigration, chain migration, return migration, and migration linkages and networks), political factors (including human rights, minority rights and security, regional integration and economic cooperation, and the impact of structural adjustment programs), and a prediction of future emigration dynamics. It is concluded that refugee flows remain a major factor in eastern African countries but the development of human resources in the northern portion of the region indicates development of potential labor migration from this area. Data constraints have limited measurement of emigration in this region and may contribute to the seeming indifference of most eastern African countries to emigration policies. Emigration in this region has been triggered by deteriorating economic and political conditions and is expected to increase.     

Emergent migration policy in a democratic South Africa

This article sets recent debates on migration policy in South Africa against broader historical realities that have shaped patterns of population movement on the subcontinent since the end of the nineteenth century. During the course of the last century, most forms of population movement were the result of disjointed regional economic development which can be traced to two epochal events at the end of the nineteenth century: the creation of the modern African state system and the discovery of mineral wealth in Southern Africa. Although regulation of migrant labour was a fundamental feature of the colonial period, it was only after 1950, when independent states began to define specific migration priorities, that states began to restrict significantly the flow of transnational labour. From this point notions such as internally displaced person, refugee and illegal immigrant become increasingly appropriate to the study of regional migration.
Particular attention is given to current debate on the definition of refugee which forms part of a broader international debate. A number of South African writers have argued that, given the structural imbalances contained in the regional economy, the term "refugee" should be redefined to include economic migrants. This position is not shared by the South African Government, and an analysis of current policy and legislation demonstrates a growing tendency to restrict the influx of undocumented migrants. This is due, in part, to the recent political transition and the institutional compromises that it produced as well as the growth of negative sentiment towards illegal immigrants at both mass and elite levels, as demonstrated by two recent research findings. The article concludes with a summation of recent trends in South African migration policy and an evaluation of the ambiguous position that South Africa occupies within Southern Africa.     

Migrant labor and sexually transmitted disease: AIDS in Africa

Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) is worldwide, but the clinical and epidemiological pattern of the disease in Africa is different from that in developed areas. "Type 1 AIDS" occurs in industrialized North America and Europe; it has a distinctive sex ratio (16:1) and risk pattern of IV drug use and sexual practices. "Type 2 AIDS" occurs in Third World countries, particularly in eastern, southern, and central Africa. It is characterized by an entirely different sex ratio (1:1) and by distinctively different risk patterns. Both epidemics are caused by the HIV-1 virus. The key concept for understanding the origins of the differences between Type 1 and Type 2 AIDS is the migratory labor system in eastern, central, and southern Africa. This system causes long absences, increased family breakdown, and increased numbers of sexual partners. Historically the organization of this labor market has created a population which suffers from epidemics of sexually transmitted diseases. These historical patterns are presented as evidence for the contemporary transmission of AIDS. When contemporary AIDS and HIV-1 seropositivity prevalence data are examined, a systematic temporal and geographic pattern emerges for the AIDS epidemic in Africa. Despite a paucity of good data, the prevalence data from eastern, central, and southern Africa support the thesis of migrant labor's role in the transmission of AIDS.     

Regional Organizations and Intra-Regional Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges and Prospects

Africa is a region of diverse migration circuits relating to origin, destination and transit for labour migrants, undocumented migrants, refugees and brain circulation of professionals.
This article outlines major migration configurations in the region, and the role of two vibrant subregional organizations — Economic Community of West African States and South African Development Community — in facilitating, containing or curtailing intra-regional migration which takes place within diverse political, economic, social and ethnic contexts; the transformation of brain drain into brain circulation; and commercial migration in place of labour migration within the region.
Despite overlapping membership, wavering political support, a poor transportation network, border disputes and expulsions, these subregional organizations are crucial for the region's collective integration into the global economy, and to enhance economic growth and facilitate labour intraregional migration.
Free movement of persons without visa, adoption of ECOWAS travellers' cheques and passports, the creation of a borderless Community; and the granting of voting rights and later citizenship and residence permits by South Africa to migrant workers from SADC countries are positive developments.
These organizations need to foster cooperation between labour-exporting and recipient countries, implement the protocols on the right of residence and establishment; promote dialogue and cooperation in order to harmonize, coordinate and integrate their migration policies as envisioned by the 1991 Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic Community.     

Emigration and development in Southern Africa,with special reference to Lesotho

"The introduction defines development and describes the scope of the paper. Section two briefly describes the historical evolution of [labor] migration in southern Africa, the ambiguities of data, and recent quantitative trends. Section three discusses alternative theoretical perspectives. Section four examines the case of Lesotho as an extreme example of a sending country and provides occasional allusions to other southern African sending countries. Section five concludes that the most important effect of [labor] migration on development in southern Africa has been to trade short run income benefits for long run development difficulties."     

No Limits for Migration after 1992? The Lessons of the Past and a Reconnaissance of the Future*

This article discusses the effects of and reactions to the free movement of labor within the 6 states of the European Community (EEC) since its beginning in 1968. A summary of the movements shows that 1) large flows from "underdeveloped areas" within the community to the "more developed ones" have not occurred, 2) an increase in the exchanges of nationals within the EEC and therefore also between highly developed areas has occurred, and 2) strong indications exist that the extent of this exchange is primarily linked to demand and to the economic climate. Those who had forecast doom had made the following errors: 1) many based their forecasts on fears and selective perceptions linked to them, 2), many were insufficiently aware of the rules governing free movement and the way they operate, and 3) they had too little knowledge of the situation in the areas assumed to provide the push. 3 factors important for forecasting migration are 1) studies of migration almost always use only 1 level of analysis, 2) one must take into account the role of national governments, and of legislation and regulations affecting migration and migrants, and 3) prognoses should be made for each category of migrants separately. The authors formulate assumptions on both the macro and the micro level for each category of migrants: 1) migration of individual workers will be very dependent upon changes in the economic situation; 2) an increase in movements of staff within international business organizations will occur 3) migration of enterpreneurs will increase once the legal and practical impediments disappear, 4) student migration and that of pensioners and persons with private incomes will increase if practical and legal impediments are removed, 5) the European Community does not and will not recognize the existence of refugees who are nationals of 1 of its member states, and 6) illegal migrants will be few. Predicted migration of non-community nationals to European Community member states includes 1) immigration of skilled migrant workers, in the event of an economic boom, is more likely than immigration of unskilled workers; 2) the number of people claiming refugee status and asylum will grow, if there are no opportunities available for a refugee elsewhere; and 3) developments in the labor market influence both the choice of potential illegal immigrants and the severity of any policy of prosecuting employers of illegal labor.     

Emigration dynamics in southern Africa

This review of the dynamics of international migration in Southern Africa focuses on four aspects of labor migration: 1) while migrant workers suffer from discrimination and lack of protection, there are few alternatives for them; 2) the regulations imposed by the Chamber of Mines in South Africa favor the mining industry at the expense of the workers; 3) worker supplier states have few options for negotiating a commercialized migration policy to achieve economic benefits; and 4) foreign mine workers must unionize in order to escape perpetual subordination. The review opens with a consideration of how migrant mine workers from Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland have provided a source of cheap labor which has enhanced the economic prosperity of South Africa. The role of the Chamber of Mines in regulating the supply of labor and employment policy for its members is described. Attention is then turned to Lesotho where land pressure has exacerbated poverty levels. Large-scale migration has led the citizens of Lesotho to consider it a place to live or retire to, not a place to work. Labor migration from Lesotho is organized, is supported by the government, is recurrent, and remains a viable alternative despite faltering demand. The discussion of Lesotho includes a consideration of its political, economic, and demographic situation as well as of ecological factors. Briefer analyses are then provided for Botswana, Swaziland, and Mozambique. The receiving country, South Africa, is shown to be suffering a decline in economic growth which is marked by widespread unemployment. More than 250,000 Whites are prospective emigrants from South Africa. After considering the issues surrounding refugees, regional concerns created by changing economic and political scenarios, and labor strategies which could be adopted by supplier states, the report reiterates a series of recommendations which arose from two major conferences on the problem of unemployment. It is concluded that the tendency to emigrate is fostered by landlessness (Lesotho), surplus labor (Botswana and Swaziland), and political and economic underdevelopment (Mozambique). In order to redirect migrant flows, policies must address labor migration, political refugees, urban-rural dynamics, job-creation, income distribution, and democratization.     

Towards migration research networking in Eastern-Southern African subregions

This article reports efforts made by a small group of Eastern-Southern African (ESA) subregion scholars to adopt a systematic approach to establishing a regional network Migration Network in Eastern and Southern Africa (MINESA). The approach involved: 1) holding a conference at which symptomatic types of internal and international migration would be discussed; 2) publication of the conference proceedings; and 3) establishment of MINESA as a network of policy-oriented research in the two subregions. The first stage has been accomplished, the second is nearly complete, and the third has yet to be undertaken. During the African Population Conference organized by the International Union for Scientific Study of Population in Dakar, Senegal, on 5-9 November 1988, a small group agreed on a timetable to establish MINESA. At the ESA conference, papers were presented on ESA issues; internal migration processes and mechanism; refugee movements and their implications for countries; the effects on the economies of Southern African states, of emigration to the Republic of South Africa (RSA). In a keynote address, Adepoju surveyed migration and development in Western-Central (Middle) Africa and Eastern-Southern Africa, which included colonial and post-colonial historical epochs, internal and international migration, and labor and refugee movements. A paper on Kenya by Oucho discussed the implications for rural-urban balance of internal migration based on 1969 and 1979 censuses. Rural-urban migration from the traditional economy to Nairobi and Mombasa in particular has created an unacceptable rural-urban imbalance, adversely affecting rural development. Eastern and Southern Africa has seen massive and wide spatial dispersal of refugees (victims of wars, drought, and famine). Two papers were presented on Tanzania and one on Uganda. The final set of papers addressed the effects of labor migration to the RSA on Swaziland and Lesotho.     

Workers on the move: seasonal migration and changing social relations in rural India

Seasonal and other temporary out-migration for manual work from India's rural areas is a major component of the livelihoods of poor rural workers and their employers in most parts of the country. However, members of India's population who migrate around the country looking for manual work challenge development policymakers because of the difficulty of including such people in geographically-based interventions. The number of temporary migrants has nonetheless increased during the 1980s and 1990s in western and eastern India. Seasonal migration in different parts of India is considered, while the author argues the need for a better understanding of social and economic relations and the circumstances under which migration can affect them to the benefit of poor migrant workers. Seasonal migration is both a part of and an outcome of those social and economic structures in the Indian countryside.     

International migration in a changing world

This paper eulogizes the life and work of Gunther Beijer (1904-1983), an international migration research supporter, who was himself a refugee from Nazi Germany. The brain drain of professional workers of other nations into such traditional receiving countries as the US, Canada, and Australia particularly interested Beijer. The creation of many independent nations after World War II changed migration trends greatly. By the 1970s the immigration policies of receiving countries had changed to favor non-Caucasian professional workers and relatives of current residents. This new migration may be classified as 1) permanent settler, 2) guest worker, 3) professional transient, 4) clandestine, and 5) refugee. Non-Caucasian immigrants increasingly find that they may not be wanted when perceived as an economic or social threat. Beijer understood guest worker migration within Europe in the early 1960s, but he could not foresee the demands that guest workers and their families would place on receiving countries. Guest worker migration gives sending countries relief from unemployment and provides remittances; it also provides needed labor to economically health countries. Guest workers such as those currently employed in the Persian Gulf may not be accepted socially or politically by the host community and may be considered undesirable employees on their return home. Nations often tolerate illegal or clandestine migration when the labor need is high, but illegals may be expelled when economic or political conditions turn against them. The problems of the estimated 10 million refugees fall increasingly on developing countries, but must be shared by all nations since their increasing numbers affect domestic and international politics.     

International migrations to and from Zimbabwe and the influence of political changes on population movements, 1965-1987

"This article suggests that the special case of [international migration in] southern African countries (Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe), in which the majority of permanent movers have historically been whites of European origin, requires that greater attention should be given to the politico-structural context of voluntary international migrations [as compared to economic motivation]. Statistical data on international migrations to and from Zimbabwe during the past quarter of a century are used to demonstrate that the temporal magnitude and spatial patterns of population movements are best explained by reference to the changing political, rather than economic, conditions within the country."     

The balance of care: Trends in the wages and employment of immigrant nurses in the US between 1990 and 2000

Abstract

Recently, the transnational migration of nurses from developing countries to developed countries has received heightened attention from policymakers, health-care practitioners, and the media. In this article, the 1990 and 2000 Census Public Use Micro Survey (PUMS) data files are used to address the issue of nurse migration. I examine changes in the number, location, wages, countries of origin, and other economic and demographic variables for foreign-born nurses and nurses' aides and US born nurses and nurses' aides over the time period 1990 to 2000. I find that foreign-born nurses and nurses' aides increasingly come from developing countries and, specifically, from Africa. This raises important ethical issues, as Africa faces a severe shortage of nurses in the context of the AIDS crisis. Foreign-born nurses are shown to have higher levels of education and higher levels of labor force attachment than US-born nurses.     

Economic adaptation of refugees in Canada: experience of a quarter century

This paper examines the economic adaptation, in terms of employment and income, for 400,000 refugees, mainly displaced persons, Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Ugandan Asians, Chileans, and Indochinese, in Canada during the last 25 years. The author looks at 1) east in obtaining a first job, 2) unemployment, 3) wives' employment, 4) job search techniques, and 5) occupation. Economic climate largely determines the time needed to find a first job. 55% of Hungarian refugees in 1957-58 found a job within a month; only 30% of Czechoslovak refugees in 1968-69 found a job within a month. Refugees and regular immigrants have higher unemployment than native Canadians; but the rate drops dramatically within a few years. Employment and unemployment for refugees is influenced by 1) prevailing labor market conditions, 2) English and/or French language proficiency, 3) sympathy by the population for the refugees, 4) support by people of the same ethnic group, and 5) the refugees' own adaptability. Survey results show that more refugee wives are employed than Canadian born wives; over 69% of Chilean refugee women worked in 1975-76. Most refugees use the Canada Employment Center, and informal channels such as "word of mouth" and friends and relatives to find jobs. Lack of qualifications and experience, and lack of language proficiency hinder many refugees in finding jobs for which they have trained. Income is an indicator of the success of refugee economic adaptation. Refugees, like regular immigrants, have lower than average income levels in their first years in Canada; however, they often earn more than the Canadian born after the difficult first years. Family incomes, because of female labor force participation, may widen the differences even more. Although many refugees are not working in their intended professions, most refugee groups have adjusted well economically in Canada.     

Asylum seekers in Europe in the context of south-north movements

This article elucidates the threat towards the established system for asylum in Europe which originates from the increase of asylum seekers with very weak or no genuine claims at all. This increase might be the early sign of new intercontinental movements of migration. Europeans are now facing 1) continued immigration control, 2) the development of a single European market, 3) aging and population stagnation, 4) increased economic pressure form countries with weaker economies, 5) new refugee crises in the 3rd World, and 6) an overburdened asylum procedure in industrialized countries with many weak or abusive claims. Solutions include 1) attacking the causes of refugee movements, 2) increased economic assistance, 3) maintaining present refugee legislation, 4) European agreements on state responsibility to carry out asylum requests, 5) speeding up asylum requests, 6) condemning abuse and fraud, 7) facilitating voluntary repatriation, 8) informing the public on refugee problems, and 9) establishing consultative links between states.     

The future of international labor migration

"The article reviews the nature of international labor migration today and the economic and political rationale for its occurrence. It suggests that while the developed economies will continue to attract and exchange highly skilled labor, they will have little need for mass immigration by those with low skill levels. In contrast, poorer countries with rapid population growth and low living standards will encourage emigration, except by the highly skilled. One consequence will be more illegal immigration."     

Could Refugees Have a Significant Impact on the Future Demographic Change of Serbia?

Serbia still hosts the largest number of forced migrants in Europe. The paper examines the impact of the refugee influx from newly formed states on the territory of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) into Serbia on the future demographic trends of the country. Examination of the past population projections of Serbia confirmed that the process of predicting migration flows is related to the greatest source of uncertainty compared to all other components of demographic change. The results of our projection of Serbia’s population through 2050 show that the large influx of refugees during the last decade of the 20th century should not have a significant impact on the future demographic change of Serbia. Even in the case of substantial improvement of total fertility rate (2.35 in final projection year, comparing to current 1.55), no positive demographic effect should be experienced. Continuation of the decline in Serbia’s total population size cannot be offset by recent refugee influx for several reasons. The most important of them are: too small number of migrants comparing to the total population size of Serbia; similarity in fertility behaviour between refugee and indigenous population; the large‐scaled emigration during the same period; much older refugee population compared to emigrant population; and the processes of refugee repatriation and resettlement. A purely hypothetical projection variant assuming the migration required to maintain the size of current total population size of Serbia until 2050 points out the need for almost three times the amount of average annual migration surplus caused by the refugee influx.     

Social networks and the asylum cycle: the case of Iranians in the Netherlands

"This paper examines the traditional distinction between the migration of refugees and labor migrants in the context of Iranian asylum seekers in the Netherlands. The empirical strategy adopted is to apply a framework designed specifically to explain labor migration to the case of asylum migration, and the social networks approach is identified as the most appropriate. This paper examines the role of social networks through the asylum cycle, focusing on the decision to migrate, the choice of destination, and adaptation in the host society. The key conclusion is that the validity of the distinction between refugee and labor migration varies through the asylum cycle even for the same individual."     

Averting Forced Migration in Countries in Transition

Many countries of emigration are in transition from conflict to peace and from authoritarian to democratic governments. Addressing population movements from these countries requires more than economic opportunities; equally important is the establishment of the rule of law, respect for human rights, and, in countries recovering from conflict, reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure and housing. Otherwise, fragile peace and democratization processes can easily break down, creating new waves of forced migrants and hampering efforts towards repatriation and reintegration of already displaced populations. This background paper discusses the nature of forced migration, pointing out that the end of the Cold War has produced new pressures and new opportunities to address these flows. While extremism, particularly rampant nationalism, has provoked massive forced migration in many parts of the world, the changing geopolitical relations has also led to peace settlements in some countries and humanitarian intervention to reduce suffering in others. Addressing forced migration pressures in countries in transition requires comprehensive policy approaches. Four types of best practices are considered in this paper. First, mechanisms to ameliorate the causes of forced movements, including the role that expatriate communities can play in strengthening the rule of law and respect for human rights, particularly minority rights. Second, mechanisms that enhance refugee protection while minimizing abuses of asylum systems, including enhanced respect for the refugee convention, adoption of complementary forms of protection when the refugee convention does not apply, strengthened regional protection, and the establishment of in–country processing of refugee claims. Third, mechanisms to resolve the longer–term status of forced migrants, including decisions on when to cease refugee status and temporary protection and encourage/permit return or integration. Fourth, mechanisms for more effective repatriation when return is possible, particularly programs to help returnees reintegrate and communities reconstruct themselves.