中国首部大型彝族文化总集编译完成

<正>中国首部大型彝族文化总集《彝族毕摩经典译注》于近日完成编译工作,正式印刷出版90卷。它标志着《彝族毕摩经典译注》从零散到集成,从翻译不规范到规范,从质量参差不齐到精品,是彝族文化史上一个重要里程碑。"毕摩"是彝语音译,即"念诗诵经的长者",是彝族传统社会的知识阶层和仪式活动家,彝族传统文化的     

彝族传统法文化与社区矫正研究

在彝族地区推行社区矫正,离不开传统法文化等本土社会资源的影响。彝族传统法文化包含彝族习惯法、家支血缘制度和毕摩文化等内容,社区矫正理念与彝族传统道德价值观和家支群体意识存在一定的交融性。如果能充分挖掘传统法文化中的合理内核,将有助于提高矫正效果,为彝族地区的犯罪矫正提供多元化路径。     

关于凉山彝族村寨建筑模式建立村落调研

彝族建筑艺术实际是非物质文化和工艺艺术文化的综合体,它可以为文化的体验提供一个综合的场所,它依托于凉山地区自然环境和人文环境,是综合文化呈现的载体.彝族民居的研究最早是集中于对传统民居的研究,其后从现代建筑科学的角度对彝族建筑发展、彝族传统民居形式传承和彝族现代居住环境观点有诸多探讨;近年来对彝族建筑的发展不再局限于建筑设计本身,更注重建筑与文化的多方牵引作用,如陆铭宁的《彝家新寨建设与民族文化产业化途径探讨》就是从建筑与自然环境、建筑与人文环境的关系探讨.但是目前还鲜有从文化体验角度出发,对彝族建筑生态环境和人文旅游环境进行专题研究.     

《彝族古代毕摩绘画》评介

张纯德教授编著的《彝族古代毕摩绘画》于 2 0 0 3年 1月由云南大学出版社正式出版。这是作者多年来从事彝族文化研究 ,孜孜不倦致力于民族古籍收集、整理、抢救、保护所取得的重大收获。在古代彝族社会 ,毕摩是彝族文化的创造者和传承者。自毕摩产生之后 ,即“兴祭奠 ,造文字 ,立典章 ,设律科 ,文化初开 ,礼仪始备。”被称为毕摩者 ,须具备宗教、经籍、历史、地理、历法及医学病理、艺术、宗教仪式、民间口传文学等方面的知识。历史上 ,毕摩规范了彝族文字 ,编撰了卷帙浩繁的彝文古籍 ,同时在彝文经籍插图、绘画创作等方面也作出了杰出的贡…     

民族学视野下的义诺彝族“吉觉”仪式

本文从民族学视角出发,对凉山美姑县义诺彝族的吉觉仪式进行了研究。吉觉仪式,作为毕摩宗教文化的重要内容,是彝族驱遣类仪式中以遣返祸害、扭转劣势和转返他人咒术攻击为特征的季节性仪式。不仅反映了彝族丰富多彩的鬼神观念,也折射出了鲜明的象征思维、对超自然界的刚硬态度和控驭意识,以及人力胜天、和谐平衡的思想特质。     

彝族漆器——凉山彝族历史文化的传承物

彝族漆器是凉山彝族在生产、生活实践中探索、总结、创造出的一种古朴典雅、墩实厚重、华美与造型独特的餐具、酒具、毕摩(法具)等实用器具的统称;它是彝族造型艺术的源头,体现了他们独特的生命宇宙观和审美观,涵盖了宗教信仰、哲学思想、本土知识、民间智慧、神话传说、万物起源、历史事件,族群记忆等各方面知识,填补了少数民族在中国漆器史中的空白,是凉山彝族历史文化中最有力度的传承物.     

彝族孝文化文献《赛特阿育》的文本源研究

在贵州彝区的毕摩文献里,有一部反映孝文化的文本《赛特阿育》,与流传于汉区的董永行孝相关文献有密切关系。从情节内容看,《赛特阿育》是对董永行孝相关文本的彝文翻译改写,将其与董永变文、宝卷中的相关文本加以比较研究发现,《天仙配宝卷》应是《赛特阿育》的文本源。     

一部闪耀着彝人智慧光芒的力作——曲木车和《四川世居彝族文化》评介

拿到曲木车和著、四川民族出版社最近出版的《四川世居彝族文化》一书,感到沉甸甸的。逐一翻开细读,字里行间,处处闪耀着彝族历史文化和作者的智慧光芒。作者根据彝族文献、民间传说以及彝族谱系推断,彝族源流至今有     

贵州水西地方彝族钞本文献探析

水西地方民族古籍文献种类繁多,内容丰富,尤以彝族钞本文献为代表,通过对彝族钞本文献的收藏、分类、特征及其分布进行分析,深化对地方民族古籍文献的认知,为进一步发掘、整理、开发地方民族古籍文献起到一定的指导和辨识作用。     

彝族习惯法学家登上大学讲坛

在凉山彝族人的法律生活中,人们把操作习惯法、调解处理纠纷的人称为“德古阿莫”。德古是彝族人中有文化、有知识、品德高尚,能言善辩而又有威望的智者,他们是彝族社会的“知识分子”,是掌握彝族文化的一个“阶层”。彝族的神职人员称“毕摩”,不少习惯法的条文记载在毕摩用古彝文写成的经书里,毕摩能够朗读,背诵和诠释,因此毕摩大多是德古。     

彝族传统习俗信仰力与彝区环保

人类与自然的关系问题,既是一个古老的课题,也是一个崭新的课题。就彝族而言,在与自然的关系中自古就有保护自然生态的习俗。这些习俗现从某些种角度看似乎是落后的＂迷信＂,但在特定的语境下却能发挥应有的作用。随着社会的发展,现在的环保固然要引进新的机制和科学的方法,使之形成一种综合的文化软实力,在彝区的生态环保中发挥积极的作用     

彝族社会历史中的母系成分及其意义

无论学者、政府官员还是彝族群众对于传统彝族社会的父权性质似乎都没有什么异议。彝族的姓氏、家系和财产父子相传;男子将妻子娶入,通常在父亲的社区建立新家;如果丈夫去世,妻子往往转房给丈夫的兄弟或者堂兄弟,以便不离开丈夫所属的家支,等等,这些都是很典型的父系制特点,但是若干行为规范及其历史记载却又含有鲜明的尊母重女的母系特点。例如,彝族中对亲戚的正确看法应以母亲的关系为根据,姨母同于母亲。彝族视姨表兄弟姐妹为亲兄弟姐妹,其称呼与亲兄弟姐妹完全一致,所以姨表兄妹之间不能通婚,也不可以开玩笑。母亲受到最崇高的尊重,被视为＂世间最大＂。更有彝族的史诗和传说称很久以前彝族的先民曾经有过许多代人＂生子不见父＂的经历。有人把这些看作是彝族从母系制过渡到父系制的遗俗,有人则认为彝族尊崇女性是＂经济的,势力的,风俗禁忌的关系＂。本文列举了一些彝族历史文化中尊母重女,性别平等的优良传统,它们为彝族女性人才的健康成长和成功打下良好的基础。     

论四川泸定县“白彝区”的形成

民国时期以来,在甘孜藏族自治州的泸定县存在着一个没有黑彝奴隶主阶级的"独立白彝"民系。值得探究的是为什么在凉山的边缘地区会出现这样一个特殊的群体呢?本文从他们迁来的原因,生存环境以及等级情况等方面进行了探讨与分析。     

乐生美学:《那坡彝族开路经》文化功能研究

《那坡彝族开路经》是广西那坡彝族宗教典籍的一种,是一部反映彝族古代社会生活的史诗。《开路经》在历史进程中将那坡彝族自强不息、团结友善、乐观向上的精神特质全面吸纳,又以庄谐统一的故事性内容,文白相生的表现手法和音乐性的展演形式实践着对百姓艺术性的引导和教化,在审美化的宗教文学氛围里,《开路经》实现了慰藉亡灵、教化世人、凝聚族群等文化功能,诠释着那坡彝族追求乐生的美学品质。     

川滇黔交界区域苗、彝、回族际通婚现状调查研究

历史上川滇黔交界区域苗、彝、回、汉等民族之间不通婚的情况在方志中有所记载，现当代的一些调查资料也反映出这一事实。新中国成立以来，随着族际交往日益频繁，当地各民族之间逐渐开始通婚，尤其是改革开放以后，族际通婚现象日益普遍，数量比例呈增长趋势，通婚半径也不断扩大。当地苗族、彝族、回族的族际通婚对象以汉族为主，且存在着民族、地区、性别等差异。从“族内婚”到大规模的“族际婚”，民族政策、外部环境、文化趋同等客观因素发挥了重要作用，而民族心理这一主观因素则起着决定性的作用。     

凉山彝族嫫尼现状调查

彝族嫫尼是生活在彝区的一个特殊群体,由一些已婚女性组成,她们用自己的巫术为人驱鬼治病,禳解灾难,占卜未来。作者在长期田野调查的基础上,描述了凉山彝族嫫尼成巫的原因和条件,她们从事的法事活动,她们的生存现状,以及嫫尼在彝族社会中的地位。笔者所做的调查研究可以增加人们对这一特殊群体的了解和认识,为今后进一步的研究奠定一定的基础。     

贵州彝族传统情歌（曲谷）的音乐特色

Being one of the most ancient eth-nic groups in China, the ‘Yi’ have a long history and an abundant culture. Yi folk songs, which are widely sung in many regions of China, have vari-ous forms and styles. These folk songs reflect the lengthy history of the Yi society; indeed they ex-press the happiness and misery, the dreams and desires of the Yi people. Within this context, this article focuses on‘Qugu’ which is a unique type of music belonging to the Yi people. In fact most Yi people of Guizhou live in the Wumeng Mountains. In their quest for survival, over time the Yi had developed a series of natural worship rites which became one of the sources of their traditional mu-sic. In addition, Yi people formed a unique way to express their love: in times past they developed a tradition of singing in the mountains and forests as to convey their love to their beloved;the‘Qugu’ is one of these Yi’ s traditional love song genres.‘Qugu’ means ‘singing’ and this genre has its own social functioning. According to traditional Yi culture and habits, a ‘Qugu ’ should not be sung in front of parents, brothers, or other rela-tives;instead it should only be sung in a place sur-rounded by mountains and forests and on certain singing sites, called ‘Guji’(in Yi language). In most of the Yi settlements, such ‘singing sites ’ were placed far away from the villages, sometimes on flat areas and sometimes in the remote wilder-ness, in forests or caves. The singing activities on those special sites took place according to specific rules and calen-dars. During the so-called ‘singing festival’ peri-od ( from the 1 st to the 15 th day of the 1 st lunar month and on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), the singing performances were particularly magnifi-cent. People of all ages, young and old, would gather together from all directions and would sing without interruption for several days. Moreover , the singing festival also had certain traditional rites ( ceremonies ) . For example, at the very beginning, certain clan elders or prestig-ious singers would offer wine and water to the‘heavens and earth ’ . After this offering, ‘the soul of the song’ was invited. The Yi people tradi-tionally worship nature and believe in animism, so indeed a ‘Qugu’ also has its own ‘soul’ . There-fore, when the singing festival would commence, they would invite the ‘soul of the song’ to come;this custom is called ‘Guyexi’ in the Yi language. The nextritual would be the ‘Guyidai ’ ( in Yi) , which means‘the settling down of the soul of the song’ at the particular singing site. There are lyrics like:‘If there is no settling down of the soul of the song, then when the next spring comes the sil-ver flowers will sever their roots, the golden flowers will sever their roots, and the singing sites cannot be set up ’ . After the settling down of the soul of the song, the next ceremony would be the ‘Gukoupu’ ( in Yi) or ‘opening of the mouth of the song ’:this basically means the ‘opening of the door of love’ and also indicates the formal beginning of‘Qugu’ activity. All of this shows indeed that the rite of‘Qugu’ is not as solemn as other rites, as in fact the lyrics of ‘Qugu ’ are mostly about love af-fairs and romance. When the‘Gukoupu’ ends, the young people can start to freely sing. There are indeed lyrics like: ‘Three young chaps brought three axes and went into three directions of the universe; they chopped three pine trees, sawed off three boards, made three chairs, and placed these facing three di-rections. They invited girls to take a seat; the girls sat down and sang. The girls invited the chaps to take a seat;the chaps sat down and sang’ . When this‘free singing’ begins, an ‘antiph-onal group singing’ starts at the singing site (‘Gu-ji ’ ); males and females take part in this and stand/sit separately as they all sing in antiphonal style. In the middle there is a ‘go-between ’ in charge of coordination, judging, and passing on information. The males and females sing and ob-serve back and forth. During this process, affec-tions may emerge between a certain male and fe-male. If indeed a guy or young lady takes a fancy to another person, he or she will ask the go-be-tween for help. If the counterpart gives a positive response, then the two will leave the group and go elsewhere to talk and sing. During this ‘antiphonal group-singing’ , each group can allow a certain ‘representative ’ to sing solo;this solo should not be a repeat of some song performed by someone from another group. The young males and females thus can each show off their voices by singing songs with free rhyme, sweet melodies, and serious or deep topics. It is easy to see that this ‘antiphonal group singing ’ provided a major means of romantic communication between young Yi men and women. In fact, the number of songs they could sing as well as the technique used in singing these significantly deter-mined one’ s ability to attract the opposite sex. As a consequence, both males and females were strongly committed to learn to sing, trying their best to master more and better songs. Through learning from their predecessors, they made an ef-fort to improve their singing abilities. As said, traditionally at the beginning of the singing festival, ‘the soul of the song’ would be invited; well, likewise at the end of the festival‘the soul of the song’ should be sent away again. The Yi people believed that if they would not send the soul of the song away, the young would be ob-sessed by affections all the time and even lose their minds. Finally, Guizhou Yi ’ s folk music-generally speaking-has a great variety in content, perform-ance locations, forms, and genres. Moreover, due to the regional differences music styles also vary geographically. All of this makes the multi-colored Yi music even more delightful and appealing. Unfortunately, the entire tradition ( ceremo-nies) of the‘Qugu’ as described above, no longer exists today. The singers who still know these pro-cedures are getting old and eventually will forget these rites. This is a big loss for the living tradition of the Yi culture, and it is a source of grief for those who study Yi culture, in China and abroad.     

凉山彝族的家支与德古的结构与功能

本文利用民族学者的凉山彝族社会历史调查报告,从家支组织形态与功能、家支权力结构与德古、社会变迁中的家支与德古三个方面论述彝族家支(血亲社会组织)与德古(权力人物)的结构与功能.笔者认为凉山彝族家支与德古的传统性和现代性并非此消彼长的两个对立物,它们之间的关系是复杂而多面的,传统性不仅具有顽固性,而且会吸收现代性的某些成分从而获得新的生命,家支与德古具有适应社会变迁的能力.传统与现代结合为一种协调的模式,构成了彝族在当代社会的特定民俗.这就是现在凉山彝族农村的地方政治.在当代社会,德古继续扮演什么角色要看他们接受新知识、新的价值观念以及理性权威程度而定.民众在家支上的同质性极高,所以他们不缺乏家支从属感与认同观念,缺乏的是对现代文化的了解,对现代社会的认知,对身处经济极不发达社会的处理方式.     

再谈"民族"与"族群"--回应李绍明教授

李绍明教授曾在《民族研究》 2 0 0 2年第 2期上发表《从中国彝族的认同谈族体理论》一文 ,对于笔者历年来在一些论文中所表达的某些观点提出了不同的意见 ,并援引了笔者和他都做过研究的彝族来作为例子。本文对李绍明文章做了回应 ,认为他的有些论点是可以接受的 ,有些则涉及对族体理论的不同观点 ,还有待进一步探讨