康定锅庄文化遗产价值新阐释

The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func￣tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter￣mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be￣tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur￣chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu￣tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re￣search was born from the old mindset, and pro￣posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha￣nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul￣ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur￣ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea￣ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per￣spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang￣ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re￣placement of native officials with centrally appoint￣ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in￣dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re￣garded as the most proper carrier for the communi￣cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court￣yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char￣acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min￣iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court￣yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business￣man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis￣ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re￣lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi￣tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan￣guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re￣sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an￣gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu￣ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val￣ue. If the relevant government bodies could in￣clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val￣ue , and play an important role both in the econom￣ic development and construction of harmonious eth￣nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in￣troduced to the present world and influence the fu￣ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti￣betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur￣al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re￣tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no￣tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.     

西部民族地区旅游生态补偿政策实施的实践探索

The ethnic regions of Western Chi￣na are rich in ecological and cultural tourism re￣sources. At the same time, the regions are also ec￣ologically vulnerable areas with large populations of ethnic groups who have lived for a long time in poverty. Based on years’ investigation, it is obvi￣ous that tourism development, even though it can promote local economic development, has had a significant negative impact on the ecology, envi￣ronment and local communities. During the 18 th and 17 th National Congresses of the Communist Pary of China, a policy was announced to improve ecological compensation and accelerate the estab￣lishment of an ecological compensation mecha￣nism. So far, both government and academia have mainly focused on the effects and necessities of building a mechanism for ecological compensation. Of special concern, even if governments at all lev￣els sequentially enacted a series of policie with cer￣tain characteristics of ecological compensation, the public is still questioning the impartiality and legit￣imacy of the charges of such policy of ecological compensation. Thus, the task of implementing the ecological compensation policy faces many obsta￣cles. At present, the core research issue on eco￣logical compensation is no longer just the question of why it should be charged. This question was al￣ready clearly stated in official documents from cen￣tral government. Up to now, the core issues that need clarification are:in practice, how the charge be made; what amount of money should be charged;how will the revenue from the charge be used;how will the revenue derived from the charge be audited; and whether or not this charge can help to achieve government objectives in such a way.
Based on the unique background of the ethnic regions of Western China, this paper deeply analy￣ses issues of implementing policies such as ecologi￣cal compensation for tourism, including the illegi￣bility and legitimacy of who should pay, how much should be paid, and how to manage the funds im￣partially; and providing scientific and reasonable countermeasures to solve these practical problems. Compared with other industries, the tourism indus￣try became the pioneer for the practice of ecologi￣cal compensation as well as the research objective of ecological compensation studies. Some research￣ers defined ecological compensation for tourism as a system of regulating related ecological interests to protect the ecosystems of tourism destinations and promote sustainable development of the tourism in￣dustry ( Zhang Yiqun, Yang Guihua, 2012 ) . Al￣though such a definition is still fuzzy, at least it in￣dicates that the research of ecological compensation for tourism involves interdisciplinary fields inclu￣ding Economics, Sociology, Ecology and Tourism, etc. Currently, the research of ecological compen￣sation for tourism has insufficient first hand empiri￣cal research data. At the same time it has not yet had nationwide impact, either domestically or over￣seas. The research on implementing policies for the ecological compensation of tourism is at an early stage in China.
Obviously, it is hard to find sufficient re￣search results or research methods for reference, which brings certain limitations to this paper. To demonstrate the scope of this study, this paper de￣fined tourism ecological compensation as exploring the feasibility of spending fiscal revenue ( paid by tourism enterprises, tourists or other stakeholders) on protecting natural ecological environment. Based on this definition, this paper generated three actual issues with regard to implementing policies of ecological compensation for tourism, including the vagueness of the charge, the lack of unified, standard levies, and the non-tranparency of fund management. Combined with analyzing the current special background of implementing policies of ec￣ological compensation for tourism in the ethnic re￣gions of Western China, and by especially empha￣sizing the local communities of the ethnic groups who should be compensated, this paper tries to provide scientific and reasonable countermeasures consisting of implementing corresponding national policy, formulating correlated policy in accordance with local conditions and standardizing and institu￣tionalizing fund management. This paper not only attempts to support strongly implementing policies of ecological compensation for tourism at the insti￣tutional level, but also to coordinate the contradic￣tions between tourism development and ecological protection, and local community self - develop￣ment, hoping to achieve the win-win objectives of promoting an ecological compensation policy for tourism, tourism poverty alleviation and ecological civilization.     

松巴堪布益希班觉《如意宝树》的史学特点

This paper attempts to expound the historical research characteristics of the famous Mongolian scholar Sumba Khanbo Yeshibaljur in the 18th century.Taking the book Galbaragcha Modon as an empirical object,we focus on its historical thought,thinking mode and research methods.Yeshibaljur was proficient in five branches of Buddhism and wrote many works in his whole life.Galbaragcha Modon is one of his representative academic works,occupying an important position in his historical achievements.Although Galbaragcha Modon is an ontological work of religious history,it involves many related historical contents of India,Tibet,China and Mongolia,and contains extremely precious historical information,which can be regarded as an important historical achievement of Yeshibaljur.Therefore,it has certain academic values to study the writing form,rule method and historical thought of this work to clarify one side of the middle Mongolian history.     

宗教、秩序与隐喻：读《中国社会中的宗教与仪式》

Western social scientists have fo-cused on the religion and ritual of China for a long time. Since modern times, a number of western si-nologists have committed themselves to conducting detailed and in-depth research on aspects of Chi-nese society and history in order to explain the be-liefs and practices of Chinese people. It is within such an academic background that Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, edited by Arthur Wolf, an American anthropologist, compiled a series of studies on the religions and rituals of Taiwan and Hong Kong done by fifteen western scholars from the 1950s to the 1970s. The advent of this book not only characterizes the western academic study of Chinese society and culture of that era, but also causes us to reflect on current research. This book is a work of great academic value, as well as serves as a model for the study of sinology in the field of western anthropology.     

创新理念 推进自治制度运行和自治地方治理现代化

Deepening reform, promoting the rule of law, and implementing the “Five Develop￣ment ” concepts have had a deep influence on the modernization of governance in ethnic autonomous regions. Based on a review of 30 years of success￣ful experiences in implementing ethnic regional au￣tonomous law, and focusing on the concepts of“innovation, coordination, green development, openness and sharing”, we need to conduct in -depth research on the ways to:promote governance by law, realize the modernization of governance;and promote the efficient implementation of ethnic autonomous systems in the ethnic autonomous re￣gion.
The 155 ethnic autonomous areas of China cover 64% of the total area of the country. There￣fore, the governance of the country cannot be a￣chieved without modernizing the governance in the ethnic autonomous regions. Modernizing the gov￣ernance in ethnic autonomous regions is a necessa￣ry element for modernizing the governance of the nation. The modernization of the ethnic autono￣mous regions actually means the legalization of the governance in ethnic autonomous areas, which is a main part of the legalization of the ethnic affairs.
The comprehensive, deepening of reform, and promoting governance by law have been strongly promoted. We should start from reality, respect differences, and take the development concepts of“innovation, coordination, green, openness and sharing” into consideration so as to promote the ef￣ficient implementation of ethnic regional autono￣mous systems through various methods. We should update our concepts, weaken specificity, solidify locality, intensify new thinking, innovate the run￣ning of ethnic autonomous systems, and promote the modernization of governance in ethnic autono￣mous regions. Based on a comprehensive analysis of the theories and practices used since the imple￣mentation of ethnic regional autonomous regula￣tions, and under the premise of intensifying “the legalization of ethnic affairs”, we should deepen the comprehensive reform of the ethnic autonomous regions, comprehensively promote the governance by law, and realize the goal of building a moder￣ately prosperous society as scheduled through im￣proving and innovating the running of ethnic re￣gional autonomous systems.
“Ethnic areas are districts with rich resources and water sources; they are ecological screen zones, cultural characteristic zones, border areas, and poor areas.” At the same time, due to histori￣cal, social and natural factors,“the natural condi￣tions of most ethnic areas are not good; their be￣ginning phase of development is low; they have many historical debts; they are located far away from the central markets and urban areas;their ur￣ban-rural gap is very obvious”, and “their gap with the eastern areas ( of China) is growing larger and larger”. The reform and the promotion of gov￣ernance by law in ethnic autonomous areas should put more emphasis on locality, ethnicity and “au￣tonomy”. Of course, we must avoid of “artificial￣ly” intensifying ethnic consciousness, and creating ethnic “differences”. Meanwhile, we should “im￣prove the capability for legal management of ethnic affairs”, “intensify the construction of laws and regulations related to ethnic work”, “legally han￣dle those issues involving ethnic factors”, “insist on resolving issues involving ethnic factors by the law, and avoid of regarding civil and criminal problems related to ethnic people as ethnic prob￣lems, or regarding common disputes in ethnic are￣as as ethnic problems. ”
We should affirm that China’s ethnic relations are harmonious, and that their economics are de￣veloping rapidly. Since the implementation of the policy of “reform and opening -up”, especially since 2005 , the economics in ethnic autonomous regions have developed dramatically; the people’s living conditions have continuously improved;bas￣ic infrastructure has significantly speeded up; and ecological protection has solidly improved. Howev￣er, the problems still prevail. For example, the poverty in ethnic areas is still serious—there are more than 25 million poor in ethnic rural areas. Therefore, the task of poverty alleviation is still very tough. In addition, the gap between urban and rural areas and between different regions is very large in ethnic autonomous regions. Finally, the rate of urbanization is very low.
In sum, during the process of modernizing so￣cial governance in ethnic autonomous regions, we must pay full attention to the five“stage character￣istics” of ethnic work in China which are the:( i) co - existence of opportunities and challenges brought by the “reform and opening -up” policy and the socialist market economy;( ii) co-exist￣ence of the state’s constant support to the ethnic ar￣eas and its low level of development; ( iii ) co -existence of the state’s constant support to the eth￣nic areas and the weak level of basic public service capability in ethnic areas; ( iv ) co -existence of the constant exchange and fusion between various ethnic groups and the disputes involving ethnic fac￣tors;and ( v) co-existence of the great achieve￣ments in anti-national splittism, religious extrem￣ity, and violent terrorism, as well as the active ter￣rorism activities in some areas. Only when we rec￣ognize this situation, can we understand the speci￣ficity of doing ethnic work in China. The innova￣tion of governance of ethnic autonomous areas and the promotion of governance by law in the whole country must start from this actual situation.
At present, we still need to clarify the conno￣tations of autonomous rights. Based on a clear clar￣ification of the basic meaning of ethnic regional au￣tonomous rights, we should deepen reform, active￣ly transform the governance of the ethnic autono￣mous regions, further deepen relevant theoretical studies, and positively promote the ethnic regional autonomous system. The main purpose of the eth￣nic regional autonomous areas is to promote the de￣velopment of the various affairs of ethnic minorities and ethnic regional autonomous areas. The purpose for improving the ethnic regional autonomous sys￣tem is to ensure the development of ethnic minori￣ties and ethnic regional autonomous regions. Im￣proving the ethnic regional autonomous system should transform from one of preferential treatment to one of nuanced development.
Looking back to the past, the legal construc￣tion of ethnic regional autonomy has made great a￣chievements. However, the preferential policies of the state and relevant institutes are still the real factors promoting the development of the various af￣fairs of the ethnic minorities and ethnic autonomous areas. As described in this article, there are multi￣ple factors which influence the efficiency and per￣formance of the ethnic regional autonomy. The eth￣nic autonomous regions are restricted by natural conditions and economic development, therefore, they have to depend on assistance from the state and the relevant institutes—this is the objective re￣ality. However, the improvement of the ethnic re￣gional autonomous system must change the status of the past, and enable the ethnic regional autono￣mous system play out its actual role so that the va￣rious affairs of ethnic minorities and ethnic autono￣mous regions can step onto a road of nuanced de￣velopment.
The future development of the ethnic regional autonomous system depends on the consensus of theoretical and practical circles, i. e. a long-term mechanism whose purpose is to enable the system itself play its actual role should be established. Only by such a mechanism, can these puzzling problems be solved and gradually improved. Tak￣ing the breakthrough of the actual effect of the sys￣tem as the starting point of the ethnic regional autonomy’s deepening of the reform, one should take the following aspects into consideration:1 ) re-examine existing laws and regulations, and im￣prove them on the basis of institutional norms, en￣hance normalization, uniformity and manipulability of the ethnic regional autonomous regulations; 2 ) sort out the relationship between the institutions in ethnic autonomous areas and the upper levels of the state institutes, as well as the relationship be￣tween the institutions on the same level;on the va￣rious institutional levels, enhance clear cognition on the position, role and organizing principles of the ethnic regional autonomous system, and avoid taking the ethnic regional autonomous system as the affairs of the ethnic autonomous areas;3 ) im￣prove the supervisory mechanisms for running the ethnic regional autonomous system; and 4 ) im￣prove the mechanisms for handling disputes on the running of the ethnic regional autonomous system.
We must work closely, share the achieve￣ments, and promote the operation of the ethnic re￣gional autonomous system. For this purpose, we should:1 ) standardize the management of the eth￣nic regional autonomous system, and weaken the“specificity”;2 ) promote the governance capabili￣ty of the ethnic regional autonomous areas, and so￣lidify the concept of“locality”;3 ) enhance auton￣omous awareness and capability, intensify “new thinking”, motivate initiatives from the autonomous areas, and improve the autonomous system from the bottom-up, and rationally allocate the power and rights of the high-level organs and the auton￣omous organs in the ethnic autonomous areas.     

扶贫视阈下甘孜州县域旅游产业竞争力研究

Tourism is the pillar industry of Ganzi Prefecture, and it is of great practical signif-icance to the study of the competitiveness of county-level tourism industry in Ganzi Prefecture. This paper constructs an indicator system of evaluating competitiveness of the county tourism industry from four dimensions, including the development of the tourism industry, the development of related indus-tries, the economic environment and transport con-ditions. The paper studies the competitiveness of the county tourism industry of Ganzi prefecture in 2013 via the entropy method, and then analyzes the differences and shortcomings of the county’s ca-pability to alleviate poverty through tourism. The results show that, first of all, the various counties’ capability to alleviate poverty through tourism in Ganzi is obviously different from each other: the eastern counties are relatively strong in this area, the northern counties are somewhere in the middle, and the southern counties struggle. Secondly, the development of tourism and related industries has a great impact on the competitiveness of the county tourism industry, and that the counties generally have shortcomings in their transport conditions. Thirdly, the restricting factors on the competitive-ness of the county tourism industry are complicat-ed, and the strategy of tourism development should be formulated with regard to these issues. Based on this situation, this article proposes the following suggestions: 1 ) Various counties in Ganzi prefecture should strengthen their research into and promotion of poverty alleviation through tourism, accelerate the development of their basic infrastructure, and improve the transport condi-tions;2 ) the counties in the east of the prefecture should increase investment into transportation, op-timize their industrial structure, and promote the development of the tertiary service sector; 3 ) the counties in the north should develop their own po-tential, strengthen economic construction, improve GDP per capita, and promote the service industry, including restaurants and hotels; 4 ) The counties in the south should pay attention to the publicizing and construction of their own brand of tourism, im-proving their brand awareness and popularity. In summary, Ganzi prefecture should take poverty alleviation as a chance to innovate a meth-od for poverty alleviation, paying special attention to poverty alleviation through tourism, improving relevant policies, and promoting the tourism indus-try of its counties.     

西部民族地区生态文明建设问题探析

Ecological civilization is a mode of civilization which is constructed on the concept of multiple-wins, such as economic benefit, social benefit and environmental benefit, etc. It requires that a harmonious relationship between man and nature permeate various aspects of civilization, such as material civilization, spiritual civilization, and political civilization, forming an ecological mode for production, living, consumption, and other behaviors. The theories and practices of eco￣logical civilization both at home and abroad, as well as the strategic planning for the construction of ecological civilization in China, have constituted important theoretical and practical guidelines for the construction of ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas of China.
Constructing ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas has important theoretical and practical significance. Compared with the eastern part of China or the whole country, the level of e￣conomic and social development in the western eth￣nic areas still lags behind; energy consumption is generally high , and the number of national key ecologically functional areas is large. Furthermore, these areas face a daunting task for their environ￣mental protection and energy saving. In addition, the most concentrated areas of desertification in China are found in the western ethnic areas, espe￣cially Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Qing￣hai. Therefore, the construction of ecological civi￣lization in the western ethnic areas has an impor￣tant role for the sustainable development of the e￣conomy and society, ecological security, energy saving and emission reduction, and the prevention of land desertification.
Generally speaking, the western ethnic areas actively participate in the national demonstration areas of the construction of ecological civilization, and constantly improve the level of ecological civi￣lization construction. However, their overall level is low, and the differences between various prov￣inces are considerable. Although the western eth￣nic areas have rich forest resources, tourism re￣sources, etc. for the construction of ecological civ￣ilization, they still face many problems in the use of their ecological resources and the construction of ecological civilization.
As noted above, the western ethnic areas ac￣tively take part in the construction of the key na￣tional ecological civilization demonstration areas. At present, among the 55 ecological civilization demonstration areas of China, 22 are in the west￣ern ethnic areas. These demonstration areas are actively exploring the construction of ecological civilization by taking the property rights of natural resources, ecological compensation and cadres as￣sessment, etc. into consideration.
As just noted, although the level of the con￣struction of an ecological civilization in western ethnic areas has been improving, the overall level is still low. The overall level of ecological civiliza￣tion in western ethnic areas lags significantly be￣hind the nation or eastern regions. In addition, the levels of every province are quite different. For in￣stance, the level of Guangxi and Yunnan is rela￣tively high. Therefore, the construction of ecologi￣cal civilization must be adapted to the local condi￣tions of the provinces.
There are a large number of key forestry en￣terprises in the western ethnic areas, but the struc￣ture of the forestry industry is not equitable. For￣estry is an important force, and provides important content for the construction of ecological civiliza￣tion. On the one hand, there are a large number of key national forestry enterprises in the western eth￣nic areas, but their distribution is not balanced. At present, there are 295 key national forestry en￣terprises , among which 48 are found in the western ethnic areas and are included in the list. Among them, the advantage held by Guangxi and Yunnan’s forest resources are obvious, while those in Tibet, Ningxia and Qinghai are not so obvious. On the other hand, the forestry resources in the western ethnic areas are unevenly distributed, and the structure of the forestry industry is not equita￣ble;the proportion of the primary industry of for￣estry is too high, and the proportion of the second￣ary industry is relatively low. This means that the economic benefits of forestry resources are not fully transformed, something which has seriously affect￣ed the promotion of ecological civilization.
Tourism resources in the western ethnic areas are rich, but the contradiction between tourism de￣velopment and environmental protection is sharp. The tourism industry can effectively improve the level of ecological civilization construction. With rich tourism resources in the western ethnic areas, the tourism industry has become one of the impor￣tant regional pillar industries, especially in Guizhou, Yunnan and Guangxi. However, the conditions of tourism infrastructure and the tourism environment are still relatively backward in western ethnic areas. This is seen especially in the tourist foreign exchange income ratio which is not high. In addition, theunique tourism resources have not strongly attracted more overseas visitors; and, as just said, there are contradictions between regional tourism development and ecological environment protection, which are still very sharp.
The construction of an ecological civilization is a complicated social system project. The con￣struction of an ecological civilization in the western ethnic areas has just started, so we need to in￣tegrate the idea of ecological civilization throughout political, economic, cultural, and social construc￣tion. Furthermore, we need to promote the process of ecological civilization construction according to the local conditions by taking the central authorities’ construction plan of ecological civiliza￣tion as guidance; consider the economic develop￣ment level of each province; and the characteris￣tics of ecological protection and resource environ￣ment in ethnic areas.
First of all, we should change the concept of government at all levels and the entire society in western ethnic areas, and improve the system of ecological civilization construction. For this pur￣pose, we must:( i) strengthen the top-level de￣sign of the ecological civilization system; ( ii) im￣prove relevant systems, such as the development of the national land space; and ( iii ) improve envi￣ronmental protection and ecological compensation in the western ethnic areas and the whole country. Furthermore, through making use of both formal systems, such as political, economic and legal ones, and informal systems, such as ecological culture, we should jointly safeguard and promote the construction of ecological civilization. On the one hand, we must establish and improve various policies related to finance, tax, population and land to improve the level of ecological political civ￣ilization in the western ethnic areas from the level of central government to local administrations. On the other hand, the central government and local administrations in the western ethnic areas must enhance the awareness of the construction of eco￣logical civilization through various ways, including school education and the internet.
Secondly, we should vigorously develop the advantages of the ecological industry in western ethnic areas, such as ecological tourism, ecologi￣cal agriculture and other ecological industries. The construction of ecological civilization should strive to find a balance between ecological environment and stable economic growth. Therefore, according to the characteristics of their ecological environ￣ment, resources, climate and the capacity of the ecological carrying capacity, we should choose ec￣ological industries suitable for regional develop￣ment, such as ecological agriculture, ecological tourism;change the original model of industrial de￣velopment to an ecological mode of production, and improve the level of ecological civilization while protecting the environment.
Thirdly, we should speed up the development of secondary and tertiary industries of forestry in the western ethnic areas, and further optimize the structure of the forestry industry. For this purpose we must further increase forestry investment and construction;and improve the total output value of forestry through afforestation, returning farmland to forest, and coordinating the relationship between the economic forest and ecological forest. Moreo￣ver, we should actively participate in China’s forest food certification and forest certification program;improve the proportion of secondary and tertiary forestry industires; take the initiative to transform the advantage of forestry resources into economic advantages;and improve the level of civilization of the ecological environment.
Finally, it is necessary for the western ethnic areas to continue the practice of constructing an ec￣ological civilization. Though adjustment to local conditions, and actively exploring the practice of ecological civilization construction, we should gradually accumulate experience in the construc￣tion of ecological civilization for the western ethnic areas, and even the whole country. In particular, in Guizhou, Yunnan and Qinghai, we must active￣ly promote the process of regional ecological civili￣zation construction based on the scheme of their own ecological civilization demonstration area pro￣grams. In addition, the western ethnic areas should fully play an important role in informal in￣stitutions, such as national ecological culture.     

从“都人南迁”到“出于回部”：明清山东青州回回历史记忆的变迁

本文以明清山东青州回回历史记忆的变迁为个案,讨论了其祖先移民历史记忆从明代＂都人南迁＂的故事到清代强调祖先＂出于回部＂的变化。笔者认为,明代＂都人南迁＂的表述更为靠近元明鼎革之际回回人的真实生活境遇,而＂出于回部＂的表述则受到清朝平定天山南北历史事件的影响。＂出于回部＂的表述说明青州汉人和回回人对回、汉族属的识别在清中...     

论土司与土司学——兼及土司文化及其研究价值

我国土司研究已经走过了整整一个世纪的历程,建立土司学的时机已经成熟.本文从土司含义与土司类型出发,初步探讨了土司学的历史发展、研究对象、研究主题、主要内容、核心层面以及现代意识,并据此对土司学的重要研究时象--土司文化及其研究价值进行了深入讨论.土司学的创建,对我国土司、土司文化、土司政治文化以及微型社区的现代土司现象的多学科理论交叉研究具有重要意义,同时对国外的土司现象与酋邦研究也具有参考作用.     

明清时期麽些民族服饰分布及其特征研究

服饰是一个民族文化的表征。明代麽些民族服饰可分为丽江服饰区、永宁-盐源服饰区、北地-俄亚服饰区。麽些民族服饰在头饰、衣裳和装饰方面都有显著的特征,总体上呈现出“分异”的趋势。造成这种变迁的原因包括：明清时期中央不同的民族政策措施,麽些民族各支系所处的不同地理环境,周边民族和宗教的共同影响。     

“以儒诠经”文本中伊斯兰教中国化义理辑录与解读

"以儒诠经"是明清时期伊斯兰教中国化的重要标志,辑录与解读"以儒诠经"文本中伊斯兰教中国化义理,有助于更好地了解明清时期中国伊斯兰教界眼中的伊斯兰教中国化。"以儒诠经"文本对伊斯兰教中国化应包含的内容、如何践行伊斯兰教中国化提出了若干真知灼见,许多见解与当今倡导的伊斯兰教中国化若干内容相吻合。     

论“明清实录藏族史料类编丛书”古籍整理工作

《明实录》《清实录》藏族史料的辑录与整理,对西藏研究具有重要意义和价值。将《明实录藏族史料》《清实录藏族史料》与其他从《明实录》《清实录》辑录民族史料的著作相比较,说明其具有取材丰富便于利用等特点,但仍存不足,具有再整理的必要性。而再整理则侧重于从人名、地名与族名的用字,出处的标注,标点及简化字等的处理上进行举例说明,使这两部史书更为完备。     

"南京珠玑巷"新说--兼谈民俗的传承与变异

明清以降来青早期移民的祖籍问题,民间和学术界一般都认为是在今天江苏省南京市、笔者以今天南京珠玑巷不可考为起点,经过对民间传说和历史资料的辨析查考,提出两种推论认为;所谓南京珠玑巷一是可能在今天浙江诸暨市（为同音之转）,二是可能在今天河南省开封市（该地曾是旧县祥符）。由于自然和人文环境的变异、官方和民间话语修正的双重作用而使其发生了改变,并最终使这一文化符号在误读的情况下,被赋予了新的文化内涵。     

广西土司制度研究的回顾与前瞻

广西的土司制度是中原封建王朝对广西少数民族所施行的一种特殊的政治制度和民族政策。它渊源于唐、宋时代,确立于元代,完善于明代,衰落于清代,消亡于民国时期,期间经历了一千多年的历史,对广西地方民族社会历史的发展产生过重要的影响,在广西地方史和民族史的研究中占有相当重要的地位,成为广西地方民族史研究中一个值得注意的问题。迄今为止,国内外学术界对广西土司制度的研究已取得了令人瞩目的成绩,但同时研究中缺失和存在的问题仍然不少,值得我们认真地加以总结和研究。     

元代墨工考

元代的制墨前承唐宋 ,后启明清 ,涌现出一大批优秀工匠。本文依据史籍 ,对元代的墨工进行了考证。     

西夏时期的契约档案

西夏虽然和宋、辽、金抗衡鼎立约二百年之久,但目前留存下来的西夏契约档案寥寥无几。作者认为根据已经公开发表的《天盛二十二年卖地文契》、《天庆间典当文契》等几件契约档案的介绍,就能比较详细地了解西夏的自然经济状况和西夏的剥削情形。     

元明清时期云南的外地移民

历史上云南的外地移民 ,为西南地方史研究中的一个重要内容。元明清三代 ,外省籍移民大量进入云南 ,对当地社会各方面的发展产生了重大影响。本文对这一时期中各朝代移民的方式、来源、民族构成等进行了系统论述 ,并对其在云南历史上所产生的作用和影响作出了初步分析