The Taste of the Eye and the Sight of the Tongue: the Relations between Sight and Taste in Early Modern Europe

This article examines the articulation between the senses of taste and sight through the representations of their organs, the tongue and the eye, in early modern Europe. The relationship between taste and sight first brings to mind gastronomical aesthetics, and the part played by the eye in the relish of beautifully presented dishes. The first part of this article is therefore devoted to exploring the taste of the eye (or the foretaste of sight) and highlights the harmony of taste and sight in early modern cuisine. However, the forms of reciprocity between taste and sight cannot be reduced to the sole figure of culinary aesthetics, which tends to blur the other multiple modalities that this sensorial association could reveal. The second part, the sight of the tongue (or the invisibility of taste), thus examines more complex layers of the relationship between the sense of sight and the taste organ, through a study of the representations of the tongue and of the gaping mouth in early modern visual culture. Drawing on early modern textual and iconographic resources and exploring: cookbooks; physiognomic works; conduct books; and also engravings and paintings related to the culinary arts, the seven deadly sins, and representations of madness and the fool in early modern visual culture, this essay argues that examining the representations of the sense organs is a suggestive way to explore the relationship between the senses.     

《诗经》的史料价值

《诗经》不仅是文学研究者的诗歌宝库 ,也是史家的史料渊薮。最初的《诗三百》百科全书地涵盖着精神文化现象 ,历史的许多细节都在诗的具体而微的描写中体现出来。《诗经》中的许多作品对研究西周春秋时期的历史状况都具有重要的参考价值 ,以周人的五篇开国史诗为例 ,可以清楚地看到周人在灭商以前的历史进程。然而 ,《诗经》虽记载了许多历史事件 ,史学研究者也可从中找到具有研究价值的史料 ,但诗毕竟不是史 ,以此来考察当时社会还应参考地下考古资料 ,并与先秦的其他文献相佐证。     

中国古代分封制与郡县制之争

由于中国古代社会君主专制的中央集权政权不断巩固与发展,自秦汉以来郡县制一直占主导地位,而分封制也以与西周不同的形式长期延续存在.分封制与郡县制都是君主专制政体下中央和地方关系的体现形式,二者的长期争论反映了中央集权与地方分权的斗争.     

三代视阈下龙崇拜的另类启示

龙一般被认为是中华民族的图腾崇拜圣物,龙原型更是先秦学术界的热门问题,其研究可谓浩如烟海,但笔者以为依然存在探讨的空间.夏商周秦四代,皆是玄鸟崇拜时期,玄鸟代表太阳,因此中华民族最初是太阳的子孙;而龙崇拜来源于古蛇恐惧,最初是禁忌巫术原理下巫术活动里的中介物,在上古历史中更多是邪恶的象征,直至龙的怪胎褒姒灭周,演变到《史记》汉高祖故事,龙才取得了图腾上的神圣地位,“龙之传人”对“太阳子孙”的取代,是中华民族的一场文化大悲剧.     

从《诗经》看周人生命意识的觉醒

生命意识,是人类生存发展的基本动力。我国第一部诗歌总集《诗经》,“大体上反映了周代的社会面貌和人民的思想感情”,它艺术地凸现了周人从文化演进中汲取的丰富生命资源,隐喻了他们逐渐走向觉醒、解放、强化的内在生命理路,澄清了周人在这一历史段落中不断滋长的人伦意识。这样的生存体验不仅是原始天命观念、祖先崇拜观念等商周思想意识流变的作用物,而且构成我们从《诗经》透析周人生命意识的思维视点。     

试论夏商周时期的监狱制度

监狱是国家机器的重要组成部分,从夏至周,随着国家职能的逐步增强,监狱管理制度也在不断地完善。但由于生产力水平的低下,尽管经过三代的发展,监狱从形式到内容都有了很大的发展与变化,但从总体上看还不是独立的机关,更谈不上系统的管理制度,因此,夏商周时期的监狱还只是监狱的雏形。     

Nation,Buzu and the Formation of the Huaxia Nation

The nation can be broken down into two categories: “ancient nations” and “modern nations.” The ancient Huaxia nation went through two phases in the course of its formation: the self-existent nation and the self-aware nation. The reason the self-existent Huaxia nation¹¹ In this article, 华夏民族 (Huaxia nation) refers specifically to the predecessor of the Han Chinese before the Qin-Han period with other Chinese ethnic groups such as Qiang (羌), Rong (戎) and Di (狄) not included, as distinguished from the term 中华民族 (Chinese nation). arose in the Xia and Shang period lies in its unified yet diverse composite state structure that could encompass a variety of buzu within the framework of a dynastic state. The pre-Xia Five Emperors period saw the genesis of the Huaxia nation. During this period, different buzu states were cemented into a diverse yet unified nation-state through a confederation of chiefdoms.     

从楚简《老子》看老、孔的伦理道德之争

郭店竹简《老子》的出土,冲击着儒道对立如同水火的传统观点。对源于三代的伦理道德观念,老子并非与孔子完全相左,而是存在着贯通性。所不同的是孔子主张克己复礼,用仁德主义重振周文化;老子则主张返璞归真,用自然主义补救传统道德。     

殷周诸侯体制比较

分封制是周代特有的政治制度 ,周代通过五等爵制严格了诸侯等级制 ,从而建立起尊天子、卑诸侯的严密体制。商代则不然 ,其外服制诸侯以职事服役为主要特征 ;同时 ,无论在控驭功能、制度完善及统治效果诸方面 ,都无法与周代分封制体制相比 ,因而这从一个侧面证明 :分封制在商代尚不具备出现的条件     

论中国花卉文化的繁荣状况、发展进程、历史背景和民族特色

我国是一个花卉文化极其繁荣灿烂的国度,无论是园艺种植、花事观赏,还是文学、艺术创作都极为丰富繁盛。我国花卉文化的历史大致可以分为三个阶段,即先秦的始发期、秦汉至盛唐的渐盛期和中唐以来的繁盛期。从审美认识水平着眼,我们将这三个阶段分别称为“物质实用时代”、“花色审美时代”和“文化象征时代”,三个阶段间呈不断累积演进之势。我国花卉文化的繁荣发展,有着我国自然条件、社会文化广泛的历史基础。我国地大物博,植物资源丰富,给花卉园艺的发展提供了极为优越的自然条件。我国发达的农耕文明对花卉园艺生产促进良多。我国传统士大夫阶层构成了花卉文化创造的主力,无论是外延的拓展,还是内涵的提升,都主要得力于他们的奉献,也主要体现他们的生活方式、生活情趣和文化理想。我国古代“天人合一”、物我一体、崇尚自然的文化观念对花卉观赏的影响从来都是正面、积极的,历史上从未出现其他民族那种基于特定教义对花卉使用的严格限制,西方中世纪普遍禁止那样的现象。这些因素共同作用,有力地促进了我国花卉文化的繁荣发展,同时也决定了我国花卉文化的民族风格。我国观赏花卉以我国原产的木本和经济应用品种为主,形成了独特的名花、名树体系。我国人民比较重视自然生长、园艺种植的植物生姿,特别欣赏植物的生机天趣,西方社会那种花环、花冠等采结献赠为礼的方式在我国并不多见。在花卉象征上,我国士大夫阶层最终形成了“比德”、“写意”传统,即通过花卉形象寄托人的道德品格和高雅情趣,体现了我国崇尚伦理道德的文化精神,与西方花卉象征多具宗教意义颇有异致。我国花卉象征中的吉祥寓意,体现着我国民众独特的幸福观,有着鲜明的民间、民俗色彩,可以说是中国特色的系统“花语”。     

Learning (to) taste: food,aesthetics, and education in early modern France

ABSTRACT

This paper explores the intersection between taste and education in the early modern period. The first part investigates the close connection between the sense of taste and the sin of gluttony, highlighting taste’s close association with food disorders in the late Middle Ages and early modernity. Silencing taste was by then a key aspect of the education of the body, which needed to be learned from the earliest age, at home as well as at school. The second part charts the rise of a moderate and honest gourmandise from the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries onward, accompanied by the invention of the polite bon goût and later the aesthetic taste of beauty, which contributed to a new social valorization of taste, while also complicating contemporary practices of learning (to) taste. Using a wide variety of early modern printed sources, including conduct books, religious and moral treatises, books of emblems, and treatises on the senses and on taste in particular, as well as aesthetic works, this paper sheds light on the multiple ways in which taste – of the body as much as of the mind – was used, learned, and displayed, hence revealing a transformation of the experience and understanding of taste throughout the early modern period, as well as its impact on educational practices.     

简论先秦时期的重农思想及其措施

我国是一个历史悠久的农业文明古国,有着几千年传统的重农思想。新石器时代,原始农业就已经发生并不断发展。三代时期,圣贤君主无不重视农业生产。春秋战国时期,是重农思想形成的重要时期。李悝、商鞅、管子等的重农思想及重农措施,对促进我国古代农业生产发展起到了重要作用。研究总结它具有一定的现实意义。     

返回历史视野，重塑社会学的想象力:中国近世变迁及经史研究的新传统

从康有为到王国维和陈寅恪,中国现代思想变局的两次浪潮,确立了经史研究的新传统。康有为对《春秋》三世说的重解,旨在通过现代变革重塑大同理想,通过确立新的宗教教化化育民情,从而实现从据乱世到升平世的过渡。王国维藉社会科学之综合演绎方法,以《殷周制度论》等著作“以史治经”,确立了周代立制之源及成王周公所以治天下之意,从制度、民情乃至思想精神入手,重塑中国文明之本源、制度精神之普世价值。陈寅恪所治“不古不今之学”,则从中古史出发,运用历史研究的“总汇贯通之法”,考证中古之思想和风俗流变,构建出一部胡汉杂糅、各教混融、民族迁徙与文化融合的历史场景。     

凌阴考辨

凌阴,冰窖也。夏、商、周、秦、汉、魏晋谓之“凌阴”、“凌室”,唐宋呼之“冰井”,明清称之“冰窖”。“凌阴”始见于《诗经》,殷墟大司空凌阴遗址应是目前考古所知较早的凌阴遗址。     

重读“趣味”:从周作人到汪曾祺

从周作人于雅俗之趣中熔铸现实的人性关怀,到汪曾祺于嘲谑之趣中凝聚对俗世人生的悲悯体恤,由他们对于主体精神世界与个体心性的珍视和护佑,可以清晰地串连起一条久被压抑的20世纪趣味文学线索.     

PARADIGMATIC MADNESS IN THE PUBLIC REPRESENTATION OF CHILDHOOD

Western images of the child draw on a secure thematic tradition which may be interpreted in terms of an equation that locates childhood on one side and diverse forms of madness on the other. Explicitly within Freud's psychoanalytic theory of id functioning, Piaget's epigenetic studies of children's cognition, and by long standing legal convention, children are understood variously as sub-rational, pre-rational, or in some critically relevant sense intellectually deficient. Implicitly a corresponding argument may be discerned both in written text and in pictorial representations of the child in religious, mythological, artistic, and literary sources as well as in the discourses of everyday language. This paper takes up those principal themes within the conceptual substrate of childhood which invest it with madness in one form or other. In particular it explores the extent to which madness, though highly unfashionable as an attribute, appears in commonplace settings as a positive characteristic of children and the idea of childhood.     

春秋士人与谏诤

经过夏、商、周三代孕育、发展,规诲言谏在春秋时代进入空前活跃期。士人直言劝谏,君王虚心纳谏,是春秋时代特有的现象。士人谏诤是对春秋君主政体的有力辅助,对春秋诸国内政外交、图强争霸等进行纠偏引导,是和合哲学在古代政治文明中的体现。     

The Irrational in Politics

In the sixties I attempted to comprehend the Zen paradox: 1,400 years of handing down a tradition through absurd statements. I had to construct a theory of the absurd. It led me to the conclusion that not only connections among words could be absurd (patently wrong); connections among objects themselves (new, uncustomary, unrealized) could also be absurd. God hung on the cross seemed an absurdity. The Apostle Paul acutely felt this absurdity, and later Tertullian felt it even more acutely. A thousand years later, for Aquinas, the sense of absurdity had subsided, and the diminution of God to the "perspective of the slave" became a postulate of scholastic reason. In all transitional periods, when the "world is out of joint," a palpably absurd situation arises, and grotesque, absurd literature is created. François Villon became popular in Russia in the twentieth century, not very long before Kafka; the poem written for the contest in Blois engraved itself in my memory. The poem is rational in its own way, i.e., it describes well the realities of life itself.     

《墨子·经说上》中“湿故”的考释——墨家法律逻辑的重构

在墨家法律逻辑重构中存在一些疑难之处,疑难的核心在于,<墨子>一书中关于墨家法令绎结程序的记载含有背离墨家理论系统之处,此即"湿故"概念.对<国语·周语>等涉及法令运用程序的典籍的考据显示,"湿故"是因"实故"之讹造成的衍乱.此讹误的辨析与清除使<墨子·经说上>包含的法律逻辑的系统性得以重现.     

Embodiment and the Construction of Social Knowledge: Towards an Integration of Embodiment and Social Representations Theory

Recent developments in the psychological and social sciences have seen a surge of attention to concepts of embodiment. The burgeoning field of embodied cognition, as well as the long‐standing tradition of phenomenological philosophy, offer valuable insights for theorising how people come to understand the world around them. However, the implications of human embodiment have been largely neglected by one of the key frameworks for conceptualising the development of social knowledge: Social Representations Theory. This article seeks to spark a dialogue between Social Representations Theory and embodiment research. It outlines the position the body occupies in the existing theoretical and empirical social representations literature, and argues that incorporating concepts gleaned from embodiment research may facilitate a more comprehensive account of the aetiology of social representations. The value of analytic attention to embodiment is illustrated with reference to a recent study of social representations of neuroscience, which suggested that embodied experience can shape the extent to which people engage with certain topics, the conditions under which they do so, and the conceptual and affective content of the ensuing representations. The article argues that expanding Social Representations Theory's methodological and conceptual toolkit, in order to illuminate the interplay between embodied experience and social communication in the development of common‐sense knowledge, promises productive directions for empirical and theoretical advancement.