A National Governance Perspective on the Transformation of Rural Property Rights: The Chinese Experience*

Property rights have multiple attributes, and these are correlated with national governance. In the West, property rights have the economic function of maximizing efficiency and the political function of rights protection, but in China, they also have a strong social character. With the modernization of national governance, these functions interact with and transform each other. When the state’s ability to supply public goods is relatively weak, property rights take on more of a social character, meeting public demand for welfare at the grassroots level. When the state is better able to provide public goods, the social function of property rights lessens as their economic function grows. The social character of property rights was the institutional foundation for China, as a huge agrarian state, to realize “governance through inaction,” and at the same time was the secret key that could break the code to the millennial continuity of Chinese agrarian civilization. Reforms including the collectivization of rural property rights after 1949, the “separation of two rights” (to collective ownership and household contracted land, with a focus on the latter), and the “separation of three rights,” (to collective ownership, household contracts and revitalized land management). These changes constitute a process in which the economic function of property rights has been growing while their social character has lessened under conditions of national governance modernization.     

Third Way Social Governance: Where is the State?

The ‘Third Way’ politics of Blair's New Labour government of the United Kingdom has popularised a number of policy reforms centred on a supposedly new discourse of ‘devolution’, ‘inclusion’, ‘partnerships’ and ‘community’. These notions reflect a re‐emergence of the ideas and values of civil society, participation and localism. Key drivers of this discourse are: new conceptions of citizenship; a retreat from the social state to a politics of community; and a questioning of both ‘big‐state’ interventionist and competitive market approaches to public policy. These trends have resonance in the Australian context. The welfare reform agenda of the Australian Commonwealth government together with community building and engagement initiatives of State governments have been sites for these policy directions. Much of the debate surrounding these policies excludes or minimises the fundamental role of an active state by focusing on an uncritical conception of community. Drawing on the notion of network governance, an alternative framework for re‐conceptualising state‐community relations and delivering improved community outcomes is posited. The paper concludes by suggesting possible social governance methodologies for actioning this framework.     

效率逻辑还是权力逻辑——公司政治与上市公司CEO强制离职

基于1997-2007年676家中国上市公司的面板数据及其CEO、董事长、独立董事、基金经理和相关政府官员的访谈资料,本文深入分析了中国上市公司CEO强制离职的影响因素及作用机制,揭示出一种与代理理论预测和西方经验不同的中国的CEO解职规律。研究表明,CEO解职不仅仅是一个经济过程,受“效率逻辑”的支配,更是一个社会政治过程,受“权力逻辑”的强烈影响。组织中普遍存在的“权力逻辑”压倒“效率逻辑”的现象可能是阻碍中国公司治理改革和其他组织和制度变迁的深层原因,从而使改革流于形式,新制度止于表象。     

连带式制衡：基层组织权力的运作机制

本文揭示了中国基层组织在非正式或半正式治理实践中的内在机制及其社会基础和价值基础。研究发现,村级组织在国家权力体系中的位置构成了乡村治理的部分外部条件和压力,具有普遍性的半正式治理实践中的村级组织权力的运作则根植于乡土社会。乡村治理中,村组干部将各种正式与非正式的资源统筹配置、捆绑连带,主要通过利益和情感等连带方式来规制村民,以完成其治理目标,村民同样也将其需要履行的各种义务与应该享受的各项权利捆绑连带,并主要以责任连带的方式对村组干部实行反制。正是这种治理中双向的连带关系使得干群之间的权利义务达到总体平衡,并保证了乡村社会秩序的形成,笔者将其归结为“连带式制衡”。乡土社会的不规则或规则的多元化是连带式制衡的社会基础,与西方有所差异的中国农民的“捆绑式的权利义务观”则构成了基层组织权力运作的价值基础,两者共同支撑使得“连带式制衡”成为基层组织权力的常规化运作机制。     

Envisioning the Third Sector's Welfare Role: Critical Discourse Analysis of ‘Post‐Devolution’ Public Policy in the UK 1998–2012

Welfare state theory has struggled to come to terms with the role of the third sector. It has often categorized welfare states in terms of the pattern of interplay between state social policies and the structure of the labour market. Moreover, it has frequently offered an exclusive focus on state policy – thereby failing to substantially recognize the role of the formally organized third sector. This study offers a corrective view. Against the backdrop of the international shift to multi‐level governance, it analyses the policy discourse of third sector involvement in welfare governance following devolution in the UK. It reveals the changing and contrasting ways in which post‐devolution territorial politics envisions the sector's role as a welfare provider. The mixed methods analysis compares policy framing and the structural narratives associated with the development of the third sector across the four constituent polities of the UK since 1998. The findings reveal how devolution has introduced a new spatial policy dynamic. Whilst there are elements of continuity between polities – such as the increasing salience of the third sector in welfare provision – policy narratives also provide evidence of the territorialization of third sector policy. From a methodological standpoint, this underlines the distinctive and complementary role discourse‐based analysis can play in understanding contemporary patterns and processes shaping welfare governance.     

多学科视角下的社会抗争研究

当前,中国社会抗争的性质、动因和治理问题形成了各具特色又相互关联的研究理路：社会抗争的社会学研究更多地从社会（结构）出发,研究社会结构、社会分层等因素对社会抗争的结构性影响;社会抗争的法学研究更多地从公民（主体）出发,研究公民权利维护和救济以及国家对社会抗争的法治;社会抗争的政治学研究侧重从国家和政府（制度）出发,以抗争政治学为理论范式,关注社会抗争的性质和治理。本文分析了社会抗争研究的三种理论路径,希望社会抗争治理研究上能形成合力。     

马克思主义海权思想与马汉海权论的比较研究

马克思恩格斯主要从社会再生产角度论述了海权思想,新航线的开辟、工业革命、航运、殖民地、世界市场是马克思主义海权思想的五环节。马汉从争夺世界霸权的角度论述了生产、海运和殖民地三环节之间的辩证关系,从海战史的角度论述了海权与大国兴衰的关系。本文认为,这两种海权思想既有共性又有本质差异,均从不同的角度揭示了海洋的重要作用。海权思想对于中国发展航运经济、建设强大海军、维护海洋权益具有重要的现实意义。     

Revisiting History: The Creation of Provinces and the Politics of Social Policy in a Democratic South Africa

The pre‐democracy negotiations between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) established nine provincial forms of government to replace the four provinces of the apartheid era. The nine provinces contrasted with the historical goal of the ANC to create a ‘democratic, non‐racial and unitary South Africa’. The NP wanted nine new provinces to prevent centralized state power under an ANC government and saw possibilities for winning electoral power in the Western Cape. The ANC conceded following political pressure from the Inkatha Freedom Party, which threatened civil war, and a policy shift after examining the German federal governance system. The article analyzes the history, politics, process and outcomes of the establishment of the nine provinces for social policy delivery in South Africa. It explores the contention that the nine provinces re‐fragmented service delivery (although not on a statutory racial basis) and created a system of fiscal decentralization with serious implications for social policy: weakening bureaucratic capacity, institutional capability and political accountability. The provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions created a particular ‘path dependency’ which, 18 years after democratic, rule still impacts negatively on service delivery and more equitable policy outcomes. This is in part due to the undermining of provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions by a significant minority of corrupt and incompetent provincial civil servants. The corruption of these provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions erodes the egalitarian values aimed at creating a non‐racial, non‐sexist, democratic and unitary South Africa which historically underpinned the policy agenda of the ANC. It also has weakened social citizenship on a geographical and ultimately racial basis given the continuing co‐incidence of race and place in a democratic South Africa.     

Building state capacity for welfare governance: The pathway and development of child welfare system and social work in China

ABSTRACT

China’s dramatic socioeconomic transformation after the reform and opening up, coincided with changes in state-family relationship, has resulted in a large number of children at risk of care. In the past three decades, child welfare has been highly concerned by the government and society, and the child welfare system has substantially developed in the direction of establishing a moderately universal system. In this process, the development of child welfare and social work has shown a mutually reinforcing trend. This includes the professionalisation of child welfare services, the professional training of child welfare workers and the advancement of child welfare policies. The governance of child welfare is an essential component of national social governance. Its future development should be oriented towards a developmental and holistic approach of governance, and social work as an important institutional actor plays a critical role in promoting good governance of child welfare and beyond.     

Construction of Chinese Judicial Power from the Perspective of National Governance

The Chinese national governance system includes the Party’s governing system, the People’s Congress system, the administrative system, the court system and the procuratorate. Judicial power is neutral, passive, independent and final, features that reflect the irreplaceable nature of its role in national governance. The growth of judicial power is diachronic, complex and evolutionary, which means that its construction will be a tortuous and difficult process. Given the limitations of the functions of judicial power in China and their immediate results, we should fix our gaze on the construction of a socialist country under the rule of law and the optimization of the structure and functions of our national governance system by taking checks and balance as the principle in the allocation of judicial power, taking rights protection as the heart of the operation of judicial power, taking harmonious operation as the standard for guaranteeing judicial power, and cultivating legal culture as the foundation supporting judicial power. In optimizing national governance itself, we should strengthen its functions of adaptation, integration, goal attainment and latency.     

International Law as the Law of Domestic Governance: China’s Propositions and Institutional Practice

Like domestic law, international law can be used in domestic governance, where it can become an important instrument assisting China’s Party and government to rule the country and manage state affairs. Incorporating part of international law into domestic law and comprehensively advancing the rule of law in accord with the principle of national sovereignty demonstrate the openness and international vision of China’s rule of law construction. Translating these propositions into concrete institutional practice will be of vital significance for improving the socialist rule of law with Chinese characteristics, advancing the international rule of law and promoting world peace.     

中国宪政的基本路向探析

宪法和宪政已经成为宪法学知识谱系中的基础性概念。宪法应当被实施,否则宪法及其承载的价值将落空,因此,有宪法即应行宪政,在此意义上,可以说宪政是宪法运行的理想状态。从宪法概念在西方的发展历史可以看出,宪法的四个要素是组织法、根本法、人民主权和人权保障,大体上经历了四要素渐次叠加的历程,其核心则是人权保障。宪法的四个要素有待宪政过程予以落实。中国宪法观中忽视人权保障的因素,成为在中国推行宪政的阻力,需要在宪政过程中予以突破。追求宪政有利于保障人权,有利于增强政治统治的合法性,有利于保持中国经济的活力。中国实行宪政的基本路向是完善违宪审查制度,建立多元化的权力制约机制,加强宪法对部门法的指导力和规范力。     

连接纽带抑或依附工具：转型时期中国行业协会研究文献评述

基于国家-社会关系的视角,在目前对当代中国行业协会的主流研究中,公民社会理论强调国家对社团干预的放松和市场经济的发展对协会的影响,法团主义则强调国家对协会的控制与合作。通过对文献的回顾发现,还有一类重要的研究--依附理论的视角,没有得到中国研究者的足够重视。依附理论的视角关注在宏观的国家-社会关系讨论之下权力的实际运作对行业协会的影响,认为除了国家对社团的控制之外,国家对经济的干预也影响了企业家的行为和他们的集体行动意愿。由于国家权力的保留和市场的不完全,企业和行业协会形成了对政府的依附关系,而行业协会仍然镶嵌于国家机构内部,成为依附于地方政府的工具,而不是企业与政府之间的连接纽带。当代中国的行业协会涉及到国家、市场和企业多方的互动关系和复杂的制度环境,依附理论的视角重新定义了行业协会的角色,提供了个体研究的途径和原有研究中未被重视的其他解释变量,为我们进一步了解中国行业协会的发展环境和影响因素构建了可行的分析框架。     

为什么跨小区的业主组织联盟存在差异 ——一项基于治理结构与政治机会（威胁）的城市比较分析

本文结合社会运动联盟理论和城市治理理论,比较了上海和广州两个城市跨小区的业主组织联盟形态,提出一个基于治理结构与政治机会（威胁）的比较分析框架来理解两个城市业主组织联盟形态的差异。研究发现,与广州相比,上海的物业管理制度更加完善,基层治理组织架构也更加健全,体制内支持者相对缺乏,从而降低了社会冲突发生以及冲突激化为社会性公共议题的可能性。考虑到都市抗争的反应性特征以及中国社会管理体制所具有的社会控制和利益表达双重功能,都市抗争研究应该具体分析行动限制的制度根源、国家在预防社会抗争出现以及在抗争过程中的多重角色。     

多元权利基础、公权力权威与良法之治

推进中国法治进程 ,并不仅仅是法律制度的简单植入或法律体系的建构 ,也不仅仅是“依法治理”对秩序的促动 ,而关键在于重构国家与市民社会的良性互动关系。即大力推进市民社会自主性 ,以多元社会权利来平衡和制约国家权力 ,缩减国家权力职能和建立其合法性权威 ,并弘扬正义法精神以实现良法之治。只有这样 ,以权力制约和权利保障为核心取向的法治秩序才能最终确立起来。     

制度失范:一个土地冲突解释的新视角

因征地引发的社会冲突已成为当前社会治理的重要难题.关于土地冲突的缘起,既有的研究可以分为土地财政、 拆迁行为模式、 土地执法管理与生存道义等角度.在与已有解释展开对话的基础上,提出"制度失范"概念,认为土地制度在"规则""权力"和"治理"三个层面的"失范"构成了土地冲突的结构性根源.在规则层面,土地制度日渐消解其作为一种公共规则的公共性构建;在权力层面,地方政府在土地征收过程中的权力失当成为土地冲突的直接诱因;在治理层面,基层乡村治理机制无法及时回应农民对土地权利实现与政治参与的强烈诉求.     

国家基层策略行为与社区过程: 基于南苑业主自治的社区故事

在转型的社区情境中,国家基层政府的行为是策略性的,社区居民亦陷入了权变的回应过程。文章聚焦于20世纪80年代以来政府行为的不同阶段,从中观的社区形态考察基层政府的不同策略和社区过程。政府干预、释出和旁观调控三种不同类型的行为反映了政府对于社区的态度,社区层次和事件性质是基层政府策略行为的关键自变量。文章运用拓展性个案研究方法,分析了国家在社区的基层策略,以及转型期社区的生成和发展,基层政府行为与社区回应的不同逻辑是社区治理困境的重要根源。     

权力的嵌入性分析——国有资产重组下的企业结盟

本文对企业行动者之间的权力关系、策略互动及其所嵌入的社会网络与制度环境提供了一个解释框架。文章运用组织决策学派的“权力”概念,对国有资产重组下的国有资产经营公司与民企联盟的结盟进行了分析。在 “嵌入性”概念的基础上,作者认为,作为结盟前提的权力嵌入于社会网络之中,并且嵌入于中国市场化改革与政体连续性的制度背景之中,因此给权力关系与结盟带来了不确定性。文章试图把“权力”带回企业结盟分析的中心,在理论上对格兰诺维特的社会网络嵌入与倪志伟的制度嵌入进行综合,提出应洞察行动者所嵌入的社会网络以及更为广泛的制度因素对企业行动者的影响。     

国家社会主义市场转型：问题与争议

市场转型研究通常包括四类问题: 各种资本(特别是政治资本和人力资本 ) 的回报率变化、倪志伟之“市场转型理论”的普适性问题、产权结构变化以及转型的最终结局。本文试图厘清上述诸问题研究的基本发展脉络，并着重阐述它们间理论上的关联。在制度转型研究中，凡研究当今中国和东欧市场转型的人员应当注重分析国家在大规模制度变迁中所起的中心作用，并意识到所谓的制度变迁，不仅包括正式制度的改变，也包括非正式限制的变化。     

国外规制特殊利益集团的思路及其借鉴

特殊利益集团是中国社会转型、体制转轨的产物,是构建和谐社会的绊脚石。规范特殊利益集团已成为朝野共识。通过梳理国外治理特殊利益集团的典型成功经验,指出我国应该采取“重塑政府的公共性、自主性,促进利益集团博弈的多元化、均衡化,增强产权的明晰化和市场竞争的公平性”的三位一体战略,从而制衡权力、驾驭资本,实现利益均衡与社会和谐。