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1.
In Hungary for most of the nineteenth century mutual benefit societies played a key role in providing various social groups with aid in case of illness, accident, disability or death. The majority were linked to the burgeoning working-class movement and were voluntary associations whose members had no other recourse in times of adversity. Hungary was undergoing transformation in the nineteenth century. Changes in goods production and the craft guilds accelerated the establishment of workers'benefit societies, and so did the lack of a coherent system of social insurance in the new industrial order. They grew in tandem with the expansion of Hungary's economy and the return of constitutional government in 1867, and flourished from the 1870s to the decade preceding the First World War. Austria and Germany provided theoretical justifications and practical models. By the 1890s voluntary mutual benefit societies faced increasing competition from the State. As the economy and social structures evolved, successive governments sponsored their own insurance programmes. By the turn of the century, private companies were also offering life and accident insurance and the appeal of mutual benefit societies to both workers and the middle class diminished. Between the two world wars, they continued to serve a substantial segment of the population.  相似文献   

2.
Objectives. This article analyzes the causal relationship between political regime dynamics and social insurance expansion. I theorize that the social insurance expansion is the result of the ruling elites' strategic decision about regime change to dispel revolutionary motives. The key testable implication is that social insurance expansion is more likely to happen under a democratic regime, which, in turn, is influenced by the threat of social revolution evinced by strike activities. Methods. Using historical data on social insurance coverage from 12 European countries from 1880 to 1945, I test the hypothesis employing a treatment‐effects model that endogenizes democratization. Results. I find a positive association between social insurance expansion and democracy, controlling for other political mechanisms. Furthermore, I find that democratic transition is greatly influenced by the duration and intensity of strikes. Conclusion. This study suggests that social insurance expansion requires a link between a threat of revolution and democratization.  相似文献   

3.
In Asia and the Pacific, as in other developing regions, the continuing growth of the aged population has a great impact on social security programmes generally and, in particular, on the income security of older persons. In societies where traditional support systems are breaking up, their need for social security protection is increasingly important. A system of social security for the elderly population exists in most countries of the region. Many are provident fund schemes, which are basically saving schemes, and their coverage is low. Where social insurance pension schemes exist, the levels of benefits provided are also low. The focus for future development, therefore, lies in converting the savings schemes into multitiered pension schemes, extending their coverage and raising the level of benefits. In this context the critical question concerns the role of the State and the type of schemes used. The need for public pension schemes is great in Asia and the Pacific, where the level of poverty is comparatively high. Building pension schemes, whether public or private, involves a set of issues that need to be addressed. This article considers the systems currently in place and the challenges and limitations faced when considering the future development of social security in this area.  相似文献   

4.
The foundations of Switzerland's social insurance system can be traced to 1890 when a public referendum voted the inclusion of an article into the Federal Constitution that gave the executive the task of creating a sickness and accident insurance scheme. Currently, as in other European countries, the Swiss social insurance system is facing challenges as a result of rising health costs and demographic shifts, which are placing a growing burden on both public finances and private households. To reach policy decisions to address these challenges, the Swiss system is distinguishable from those of its European neighbours because of a continuing tradition of political decision‐making based on grass‐roots democracy: through referenda, the Swiss people remain directly responsible for the development of the national social insurance system. Importantly, not only might this unique feature of Swiss democracy lead the Swiss people more readily to accept and identify with their social insurance system but it may offer a sound democratic base upon which to build a consensual approach to address the policy challenges that lie ahead.  相似文献   

5.
In July 2000, national health insurance in the Republic of Korea was transformed into a single insurer system. This major reform in healthcare financing resulted from the merger of more than 350 health insurance societies. Inequity in healthcare financing and the chronic financial situation of the health insurance societies for self–employed workers in rural areas have been the driving forces leading to the unified health insurance system. The unique institutional context together with political change opened the window of policy change, and various stakeholders such as politicians, rural self–employed workers, trade unions and civic groups were involved in the healthcare reform process. Fair income assessment of the self–employed and the role of the single insurer as a prudent purchaser of medical care will be vital for the new system to achieve its intended goal and improve social solidarity and efficiency of healthcare.  相似文献   

6.
黄奔月  潘丽 《创新》2011,5(4):102-104,136
女性政治参与是人类社会历史发展的必然趋势,是民主政治组成中不可或缺的部分。无论是从妇女参政的历史走向还是从社会与妇女参政的互为发展来看,推进中国妇女参与国家和社会公共事务的实效性,有利于促进女性的全面发展。  相似文献   

7.
社会组织化:构筑国家与社会良性关系的关键   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
张新光 《学术交流》2007,4(8):22-25
构筑国家与社会的良性关系是现代社会民主发展的基本要求,也是构建社会主义和谐社会的内在要求。对发展中国家而言,构筑国家与社会的良性关系,问题往往不在于国家力量的不足,而在于社会自主力量的有限。规范组织和发展社会力量,提高社会组织化程度,增强社会自主性,提高社会自治能力,是我国构筑国家与社会良性关系、实现社会和谐的关键。  相似文献   

8.
Long-term care provision and financing are becoming increasingly important matters in all ageing economies. Therefore, a major challenge for policy makers is to strike a balance between adequate care and sustainable financing. In this study, we evaluate the proposal of a so-called sustainability factor in German long-term care insurance. Considering changes in the beneficiary-contributor ratio, it aims for a rule-based consideration of demographic dynamics to alleviate pressure on long-term care financing. Using the framework of generational accounting, we demonstrate that this proposal could have a relieving effect on finances, depending on the share of involvement of current and future generations. It may offer an option for pay-as-you-go long-term care insurance systems worldwide that need to curb the impact of ageing societies. Therefore, this article addresses policy makers tasked with designing a sustainable financing model for long-term care insurance. It demonstrates that the sustainability factor represents a step towards sustainable finances and, thus, it might be one component of a more comprehensive reform package.  相似文献   

9.
The article discusses strategies to extend social security cover-age in developing and newly industrialised countries. The three major options are to extend social insurance coverage , to rely on mutuals or micro-insurance or to bring in social assistance in one form or another. Social insurance usually covers small population segments. Insiders are seldom willing to extend coverage to poorer groups, as poorer groups are usually higher-risk groups. Micro-insurance and mutual societies work pri-marily among people with similar risk profiles. Discretionary social assistance targets poorer groups, but is open to patronage and misuse. However, some social assistance designs are less open to misuse than others. Demogrants, i.e. benefits given to people in vulnerable social categories, are easy to administer and difficult to misuse. Whether or not a developing country provides such benefits can be considered an indicator of the willingness of the ruling elite to alleviate hardship among 'unproductive' population groups.  相似文献   

10.
This article compares maternity leave data from a 1981 Columbia study, a 1992 two county survey and a 1997 revisit to the same sample of Idaho employers. The data reflect a trend between 1981 and 1997 of shifting costs for specific benefits (pension, life and health insurance) from employer to employee. The findings also indicate that, regardless of the number of employees, all responding employers have health insurance that covers maternity and allow pregnant employees to work until delivery if able to do so. Additionally, the effects of the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 are considered by comparing policies reported in 1992 and those reported in 1997 by Idaho employers with 50 or more employees. The conclusions point to substantial changes in some leave benefits since the FMLA took effect but echo again the dilemma faced in the United States, that we are still out of step with most industrial societies in that we have an unpaid leave policy.  相似文献   

11.
Japan and the Republic of Korea achieved universal health insurance coverage for their populations in 1961 and 1989, respectively. At present, Japan continues to operate a multiple‐payer social health insurance system, while the Republic of Korea has moved to an integrated single‐payer national health insurance structure. This article analyzes the influence of political economy in shaping the policy divergence found between these two Bismarckian health insurance systems. Issues addressed include differences in political power, the policy influence of business, the extent to which regional autonomy has developed and regional traits have been preserved, the level of political democratization, the form of political leadership, and the scale of development of the health insurance system. The article offers policy lessons derived from the two countries' experiences.  相似文献   

12.
Social and demographic changes are gradually transforming the way Western societies cope with old‐age dependency, in particular the provision of long‐term care (LTC). In response to the need for formal care services and financing instruments, this study examines a range of both private and public insurance tools. As a general rule, LTC insurance is markedly underdeveloped. Furthermore, in southern European countries, the role of the public sector in LTC is unclear compared with its role in other, related welfare areas such as healthcare. The study examines the financing alternatives for LTC insurance, taking as its benchmark the Spanish LTC financing reform. It briefly examines some existing, publicly funded LTC financing tools and explores the potential role of private LTC insurance, arguing that it has an active part to play alongside compulsory mainstream insurance schemes and self‐insurance alternatives. As in other European countries, Spanish social attitudes show a preference for some kind of general entitlement to publicly funded schemes, although this preference is subject to significant regional heterogeneity.  相似文献   

13.
Objectives. Studies of Western settings, in general, argue that social capital, defined as a set of civic norms and social networks among ordinary citizens, nurtures democratic governance at various levels. Does such a social capital exist in a transitional society such as China? If so, what kind of role does social capital play in affecting individuals' attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward fledging grassroots self‐government in that society? This study is intended to answer these questions, which are crucial for our understanding of China's sociopolitical development as well as for the application of social capital theories in non‐Western societies. Methods. This study is based on the data collected from a representative survey conducted in an urban area in China in 2004. Results. The findings from this study indicate that social capital among urban residents was abundant, and it nurtured the grassroots self‐government system through residents' attitudinal and behavioral orientations toward the system. Conclusions. These findings have strong implications for the future of local democratic governance and applicability of social capital theories in China.  相似文献   

14.
This article considers the democratic challenges and potential of localism by drawing on insights from the theory and practice of deliberative democracy. On a conceptual level, the ideas embedded in localism and deliberative democracy share much in common, particularly the democratic goal of engaging citizens in decisions that affect them. Despite such commonalities, however, there has been limited conversation between relevant literatures. The article considers four democratic challenges facing localism and offers a response from a systems perspective of deliberative democracy. It argues that, for localism to realise its democratic potential, new participatory spaces are required and the design of these spaces matters. Beyond structured participatory forums, local democracy also needs an active and vibrant public sphere that promotes multiple forms of democratic expression. This requires taking seriously the democratic contributions of local associations and social movements. Finally, the article argues that, to fulfil its democratic potential, localism needs to encourage greater democratic and political connectivity between participatory forums and the broader public sphere.  相似文献   

15.
We provide an evolutionary model of conflict based on dyadic interactions within and between individuals drawn from a society containing fundamentalists and “others.” Thus, the paper presents an asymmetric game representation of group effects. Fundamentalist control of society is inversely related to the degree of social stratification, and fundamentalists’ intolerance of others. If, however, fundamentalism can be feigned (by displaying certain traits), then fundamentalists must balance their intolerance and insularity to take power. The model provides a novel means for distinguishing democratic versus open societies. This leads to a central result characterizing how fair and open societies can peacefully contravene fundamentalism.  相似文献   

16.
The Israeli unemployment insurance (UI) programme was adopted in 1972 but, in the three decades since, it has undergone major changes. As a result of these changes, the programme is currently far less accessible and less generous than it was in its original form. This article documents the policy process that led to retrenchment of UI in Israel. This process was justified by a professed desire on the part of decision-makers to deal with the problem of the unemployment trap caused by UI and was facilitated by a legislative manoeuvre that enabled the State to overcome institutional obstacles to change within the Parliament.  相似文献   

17.
Gene Rowe 《Policy Studies》2018,39(2):204-221
Public participation is ubiquitous in many contemporary democratic societies – used for many purposes, and in many contexts, with particular and growing relevance for policy-making on science and technology issues. However, there is a dearth of evidence as to its qualities and benefits. We contend that the implementation and interpretation of participation faces a number of dilemmas that – together –undermine its successful adoption. In this paper, we identify and discuss six specific dilemmas that – together – may militate against the practice and development of good quality participation in science and technology policy, notably dilemmas of Timing; of Relevance; of Representation; of Evaluation; of Criticism; and of Impact. We theoretically account for these dilemmas and discuss their likely impacts. Finally, we provide some suggestions as to how the participation community might attempt to pre-empt difficulties due to these dilemmas and demonstrate participation effectiveness.  相似文献   

18.
Community participation is one of the underlying principles of democratic societies and the potential benefits of the participation process are well documented. Although a number of participatory mechanisms have been established by government departments and community agencies to facilitate community participation in health, few Australians regularly or actively participate. This paper examines the context for participation in health action in Australia including a political culture which serves to discourage participation in health, and many other areas, and barriers to participation associated with the complex structure and financing of the health care system.  相似文献   

19.
邹鹰 《社会工作》2009,(14):4-12
村委会直接选举亦称“海选”,指在选举过程中,不预先设定候选人,由选民按照相关规则进行公决的政治制度。长期以来,学界一直认为地方政府的行政能力和村庄的宗族势力在影响着这一中国农村民主制度的成长。而本文却从实证主义出发,从目前学界忽视的一个理论视角——户主意志主导了“海选”,透过“海选”中的户主意志形成的政治的、经济的原因,发现户主意志是为了自身的家户利益而控制手中的选票,这种因个人专断而流失公共权利的行为对农村民主制度建设带来了不得后果。而改变此现状的政治路径是推进农村民主现代化和民主社会化。  相似文献   

20.
Reaching universal health‐care coverage requires an appropriate mix of compulsory contributory social insurance schemes, with mechanisms to include the informal‐economy population, and tax‐based social assistance for those whose incomes preclude their own contributions. This article urges a reversal of the trend that favours the separate development of social health insurance by separate health authorities and makes the case for the extension of health‐care coverage using existing formal‐sector social security schemes, not least because they have the necessary political backing and institutional structures. The article reviews reasons for the slow pace of coverage extension to date, and stresses the added value of incorporating health care as a social security benefit while also acknowledging the importance of retaining linkages between statutory and well‐regulated community‐based or micro health‐insurance schemes.  相似文献   

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