道德建设的公民认同路径

个人权利价值取向的普遍化是社会的道德现状,道德建设要帮助人们认识在现代社会个人权利属于公民权,以平等为基础,同公民义务相联系,逻辑地蕴含着对公共利益的尊重。自我中心、否定公共利益并不是个人权利的必然走向,而是其被抛弃了平等基础、公民义务后将自我利益膨胀到了极端的表现,是极其有害的;为了克服个人权利膨胀为自我中心、损人利己,要引导公民不仅要追求个人利益同时也要认同公共利益。因此,第一,引导人们认识利益相关性对公民权利的限定从而能够关注公共利益,避免极端个人主义。第二,提高人们对公民认同之于个人权利实现的价值的认识,以激励公民对公共利益的认同。第三,打造有利于公民认同的制度环境,用制度保障公民认同。     

转型社会中的市民社会与政治国家——新国家主义在中国的发展

市民社会与政治国家的关系问题是当今社会重要的理论问题。本文着重从转型社会这一角度来探析市民社会与政治国家的新型关系,并在政治国家至上的前提下,利用国家力量实现市民社会的良性转型和主体力量的转换。本文认为,国家至上,政治国家优于市民社会,即新国家主义的发展。国家要干预市民社会,要有利于国家整体利益的发展,利用国家强制力来推动社会结构的转型,并实现国家的整体利益,这是中国市民社会与政治国家新型关系的主体力量．特。县转趔社会后．中国未来社会发展的主要动力．     

Women,Welfare and Civil Society Organizations: Creating an Alternative Women's Welfare Sphere in Israel

This article examines the phenomenon of Israeli civil society organizations (CSOs) providing services to women as part of the creation of an alternative women's welfare sphere in Israel in recent years, and its influence upon the welfare state and women. The creation and the existence of the women's civil society sphere can be seen as part of a move by the Israeli welfare state towards a liberal‐style economic regime. The article examines the services and mode of operation of fourteen organizations offering welfare, health and educational services to women in Israel, using a qualitative research method. The study identifies four traits characterizing these organizations: their loose connections with the welfare state, the use of sectoral and selective criteria determining eligibility for their services, the mirroring of internal dynamics of the community and its response to gender issues, and the CSOs' holistic, sporadic and unprofessional services. The analysis highlights the gender dimensions of civil society organizations, the characteristics of structure and content of the services they offer, and the role and place of civil society organizations operating parallel to the welfare state. It sheds light on the complex nature of this sphere and its services, which contribute to the empowerment and improvement of women's lives but, simultaneously, strengthen and reinforce their exclusion and marginalization.     

The child's – or the state's – best interests? An examination of the ways immigration officials work with unaccompanied asylum seeking minors in Norway

This article questions the way in which Norwegian immigration officials apply the principle of the child's best interests in cases concerning family reunion for unaccompanied asylum seeking minors in Norway. It is claimed that the official definition of child migrants and the interpretation of what is in their best interest does not take the child's background and circumstances into account with sufficient detail and sensitivity. This paper further discusses the bureaucratic procedures that turn an individual child with individual interests into a judicial and generalized prototype that appears to have the same interests as the immigration authorities. Thus the combination of a culture‐blind and context‐free consideration of an abstract child's best interests primarily serves to justify increasing restriction of family reunion for child migrants, and thereby serves the state's best interest at the cost of the individual child.     

Expanding the Scope of Conflict: Interest Groups and Interstate Compacts*

This study looks at how the characteristics of states' interest group environments affect state participation in interstate compacts. Drawing on prominent theories of interest system characteristics, we hypothesize that interest group density and concentration will influence a state's propensity to join compacts. Method. Using pooled cross‐sectional time‐series event‐count models, we test our hypotheses for 48 states over a 30‐year period. Results. We find that states with denser interest group systems are more likely to join interstate compacts, but that greater concentration of organized interests in a few economic sectors impedes compact formation. Additional analyses show that the effects of state interest group systems vary across types of interest groups and compacts. In particular, the effects of interest group density appear to be driven primarily by not‐for‐profit groups generating increased state participation in noneconomic compacts. Conclusion. Interstate cooperation is influenced in important ways by characteristics of interest group environments.     

Karl Marx's sociological theory of democracy: Civil society and political rights

This essay reconstructs Marx's relationship to democracy and liberalism through an examination of his early work which was directly concerned with the issues of understanding democracy as a kind of society. Only with an analysis of the dynamics of civil society—a political economic, sociological, and historical understanding—could the true nature of citizenship be discerned. In contradistinction to liberal political theory, he would argue that political theory could not stand on its own if it analyzed only the state. Marx came to understand the contradiction between the liberal state and civil society as what he called a sophistry because it undermined the possibility of the democratic agency of workers. This was a sophistry, not because he opposed political democracy, but because the development of capitalism undermined the possibility of democratic agency. Citizenship could be nothing but a “lion's skin” of politics concealing the nature of civil society beneath it. This contradiction would drive Marx's thought forward as he moved from liberalism to democratic socialism with his developing understanding of the structure and dynamics of capitalism from 1843 until the end of his life. The essay illustrates two closely related claims about Marx's thought regarding liberalism and democracy. First, I argue that Marx engaged in a democratic critique of liberalism; second, and as a response to his democratic critique of liberalism, Marx developed a more sociological understanding of democracy, and hence believed that political democracy was a necessary condition of freedom, though not a sufficient condition.     

社会管理的范围、价值与地位

虽然社会管理的任务已经从＂加强和改进＂上升到＂加强和创新＂,但是社会管理研究的基础性工作仍然是要认真探索社会管理的领域对象、核心价值和战略地位。弄清楚这一问题乃是发展社会管理理论和实践的基本前提。现代社会管理的领域是由民生社会、民间社会和公共事务社会所构成的,是一个处在发育中的人们生活的特定领域;当前社会管理的对象主要是民生社会、公民社会和公共事务社会中存在的问题、行为和利益。现代社会管理虽然与维持人类生活共同体的稳定和秩序密切相关,但是社会管理的核心价值取向应当是通过协调社会利益、规范社会行为、解决社会问题,以实现社会的公平和正义。在中国特殊的国情条件下,社会建设和社会管理已成为新的工作重心,已成为与经济建设同样重要的第一要务。     

What drives unconventional political participation? A two level study

There is little evidence on the factors that drive peaceful unconventional political participation. This study evaluates the impact of seven individual level constituents – age, income, education, gender, satisfaction with the government, engagement in civil society organizations and voting – as well as five macro-level factors – economic development, democratic experience, income inequalities, a country's regime type and federalism – on citizens’ participation in boycotts, demonstrations and petition signing activities. Participation in all three protest activities hinges on education, voting, participation in civil society organizations, and lack of satisfaction with the government. Moreover, the influence of some macro-factors, such as democratic experience and economic development, and micro-level factors, such as gender differs between the three forms of political engagement.     

Ambiguous position of the child in supervised meetings

The paper addresses the ambiguous nature of supervised meetings between children and their non‐residential parent(s) which, according to the current legal idea, should serve the best interest of the child. In Finland the meetings between the child and the non‐residential parent can be ordered supervised if there are justified grounds for assuming that they constitute a risk for the child's safety. In many parts of Europe the need for such kinds of meetings controlled by outsiders has increased. The aim of the paper is to consider the child's position and the closely related issue of the child's interest in supervised meetings, based on the daily experiences of the supervisors. Data are gathered by focus group interviews and analysed qualitatively in terms of categorization analysis. As a result, the child's position is an ambiguous phenomenon with multiple interests. Obviously the child's interests will be met in some cases, although paradoxically it is mostly the interests of the parents and most often the fathers, which seem to demand more attention. Thus adult‐centredness, meanings of gender, time together with both the positive and possible detrimental outcomes for the child need further reflection.     

Traditional Features of Russian Political Culture in Their Current Perspective

For about sixty years all Soviet economists and historians have celebrated the demise of NEP as socialism's greatest victory. You could count advocates of the opposite point of view on your fingers. The situation has changed in the last two or three years. The press today is for the most part filled with hymns of praise for NEP as the most successful period in the development of Soviet society. There is admiration for the miraculous recovery of Russia's economy after the civil war, for the economy's high effectiveness during that period, and for the establishment of a hard currency. We look to NEP for lessons that will help us to resolve our current economic problems. The termination of NEP in the late 1920s is bewailed as the turning point in Soviet history that marked the victory of the Administrative System with all its known tragic consequences for the life of Soviet society. Those responsible for the death of NEP are named: Stalin and those around him, members of the party machine [apparatchiki] infected with the ideology of War Communism, and individual social strata (poor peasants, part of the working class, and youth).     

Foundations of Feminism: How Philanthropic Patrons Shaped Gender Politics*

Objectives. Although recent research has documented the contributions of philanthropic foundations as “patrons” of the major identity movements, scholars know very little about the specific ways foundations have influenced these movements' development and impact. This study examines the role of foundations in shaping the U.S. women's movement of the 1960s–1980s, in particular the role that foundations played in deciding which of its claimsmakers—and by extension, its claims—would be sustained. Methods. The study is based on an original data set of nearly 6,500 foundation grants to women's groups, or for women's causes, from 1970 to 1990. It examines shifts in the types of groups that received foundation grants and in the female interests that these groups represented. Results. Philanthropic patrons were central to transforming women from servants of society into claimants against the state. Likewise, foundations played a critical role in segmenting U.S. womanhood into politically relevant subgroups (civic stewards, battered women, lesbians, etc.) with ever narrower policy claims. Conclusions. By legitimizing identity subgroups and their policy agendas, foundations played an important role in the development of special interest politics in the second half of the 20th century. In this way, professional grantmakers have constituted a critical yet overlooked force behind the construction of U.S. hyperpluralism, in the process diminishing the capacity of gender to unite women in common cause.     

市民社会与中国选择——从国家与社会的关系谈起

市民社会理论的产生和发展,是国家和社会相互博弈的结果,其内涵也随着时代的变化而变化。市民社会理论经历了两次转向:由启蒙时期的政治意义上的市民社会向近代经济意义上的市民社会转变;再由近代经济意义上的市民社会向现代文化意义上的市民社会转变。而在这个转变过程中一成不变的则是其对自由的追求、对矛盾的争辩、以及对认同的渴望,这也构成了市民社会理论的三个核心要素。因此,本文提出"自由—矛盾—认同"的逻辑框架,并在此基础上分析自由—独立的价值理念、非零和博弈的观察视角、沟通模式的制度化取向,此三者也是中国市民社会本土化出路的关键。     

Testing the impact of gender equality on reproductive health: An analysis of developing countries

This paper proposes a conceptual framework to explore the impact of gender equality on women's reproductive health with economic and political development as background factors. The data for the study are obtained from 136 developing countries. Structural equation analysis is used to test the hypotheses. The proposed model of women's reproductive health is basically supported by the empirical findings from the developing countries. First, the findings underscore the proposition that gender equality has a pivotal role to play in the promotion of women's reproductive health. The second finding points to the importance of economic development in predicating women's reproductive health. Finally, a positive and statistically significant relationship is found between economic development and gender equality. The results reinforce the Cairo Program of Action that women's reproductive health is contingent upon development policies and gender equality in society.     

论所有权的自由与限制

所有权对于公民的财产权利甚至整个法权具有重要意义。近代民法一直强调所有权行使的绝对自由,忽略了所有权应该受到的社会公益限制,其结果是使自由走向了反面。为克服所有权绝对自由带来的负面影响,现代民法开始由权利本位转向社会本位,逐步形成了所有权的社会化思潮,强调所有权的行使应该以尊重和维护社会公益为前提。但是由于社会公益的概念比较宽泛,范围难以确定,为了防止有人以公益之名谋私益之实,应该对社会公共利益的界定确立实体标准和程序标准,以解决因社会公共利益的界定产生的争议,寻求社会公益与个人私益的平衡,维护公民个人的实体权利。     

Ethical Challenges to the Integrity of Physicans: Financial Conflicts of Interest in Clinical Research

Financial conflicts of interest arise when physicians' judgment and decision making become compromised by financial gains or interests, and thus create risk of undo harm to research participants, to the integrity of research projects, and, ultimately, to society at large. Such conflicts also violate the moral maxims of medicine, and thus damage the integrity of physicians and the medical profession. I submit that key remedies for this problem are the integrity (self-respect) of physicians and the respectful engagement of research participants (whether patients or nonpatient volunteers) as partners in research projects. Accordingly, I consider physicians the primary moral agents, research participants the secondary moral agents, and society the tertiary moral agent with responsibilities for protection against whatever undue harm in clinical research. The latter needs to address the powerful cultural, commercial, political, and social factors that contribute to physicians' financial conflicts of interest.     

市民社会理论及其研究进路——以中国特色社会主义社会为基准

市民社会理论在西方经历了指向政治领域、经济领域和文化领域的演变过程。中国当前是在经济意义上使用市民社会概念,但这并不意味着中国社会要建构成19世纪那种真正的市民社会。当代资本主义和中国社会现实均昭示着克服此种市民社会弊病的必要性和急迫性。中国特色社会主义社会可以也必然在相当长历史时期内存在市民社会领域;市民社会与社会主义社会是手段与目的、局部与整体、附属与主导关系。     

是“关系”，还是社会资本

社会资本概念引入华人学界以来,其影响力使许多学者把它作为研究和解释中国人关系的路径,但在这种将“社会资本”与“关系”概念合并的趋势中有许多问题被遮蔽了。本文通过对社会资本与关系的各自抽象度、对应性和社会形态等的辨析,指出关系的研究基础是家庭本位的社会,而社会资本的研究基础是公民社会,它们在个体选择性、成员资格、公私利益、参与性和做人等方面都有差异。本文还探讨了关系及社会资本各自可能延伸出的研究方向。     

Altruism,Social Responsibility,and Government Support For Social Welfare

The study concerns altruistic behaviour in Hong Kong and its relation to social responsibility and support of government responsibility for social welfare. The findings indicated that the community as a whole is likely to engage in altruistic acts. The responses reflect a sense of social responsibility as the most important factor contributing to the explanation of altruism. Independent of other characteristics, those respondents who were more socially responsible were more altruistic. These findings suggest that the people's willingness to help others is largely independent of concern about the interests of society as a priority of responsibility. The general finding is that people are more concerned with individual or familial interests and would sacrifice the interests of society in situations where the two are in conflict.     

Tough Love: Social Work, Social Exclusion and the Third Way

Summary This article argues that New Labour's priorities for socialinclusion through employment, and for strenthening civil society,have relegated public-sector social work to a limited role inassessing and managing risks. However, as failures in the government'stop-down, regulatory approach emerge, there will be new opportunitiesfor a broader-based version of the profession to contributeto a more progressive programme.     

Religion and relief: the role of religion in mobilizing civil society against global poverty

Abstract

Although global poverty is one of the world's most pressing contemporary problems, there is a lack of political will to address it, and much of the work is left to non-governmental organizations (NGOs)-many of which have religious connections. However, religion's role in this area is surprisingly understudied. In attempting to fill the gap, this study explores what makes religion effective in mobilizing civil society actors to engage in transnational poverty relief and development. The paper examines the salience of religious actors in the field, before developing a theoretical framework to explain this prevalence, employing sociologically based theories of religious social capital, content, and cultural power. Finally, these issues are investigated practically through case studies of two religious NGOs, World Vision New Zealand (WVNZ) and TEAR Fund New Zealand. The findings corroborate the theoretical framework, demonstrating the considerable potential of religion to mobilize civil society in the fight against global poverty.