Culturally Sensitive Education: Adapting Self-Oriented Assertiveness Training to Collective Minorities

Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel have suffered from neglect and discrimination. They face a policy of "Israelization" and rejection of their national and cultural identity. The self-oriented education that is advocated by the Israeli ministry of education is perceived as a threat to Arabic family unity and to their cultural and national identity; therefore, it is resisted. Adopting culturally sensitive education would be an important step toward trust and coexistence. This article suggests a culturally sensitive adaptation of assertiveness training programs. Respecting Arab values and norms, as well as the joining of parents, teachers, and community leaders is central to accomplishing success for this program. Implications for coexistence meetings of Palestinian Israelis and Jews are discussed.     

Managing the tensions between service and advocacy: The case of the AJEEC Social Change Service Organization,Naqab, Israel

The tension between providing services to marginalized groups and organizing them for advocacy to challenge power structures is a fundamental dilemma for Social Change Service Organizations (SCSO). This dilemma exists in many civil society organizations, especially those that work with indigenous communities, such as the Bedouin in Israel, where providing immediate services and advocating for policy change are crucial. Literature shows the tensions that arise from combining service provision and advocacy. However, there are very few studies showing how these organizations manage and overcome these tensions sustainably. The present study is an exploratory case study using the AJEEC (Arab‐Jewish Center for Empowerment, Equality, and Cooperation) in the Naqab as an instrumental single case. It provides an in‐depth understanding of the tensions AJEEC is facing and reveals AJEEC’s unique approach and strategies for managing these tensions effectively and sustainably within the social, political, and cultural contexts. It presents implications for research, policy, and practice.     

Public attitudes toward policies related to labor migrants in Israel

This paper focuses on determinants of public attitudes in Israel toward two policy questions. First, should immigration policy measures be more restrictive toward overseas labor migrants? Secondly, should overseas labor migrants be replaced with Palestinian workers? Based on an attitudinal survey administered to a representative sample of the Israeli population, the findings indicate that support for a restrictive immigration policy is quite prevalent among Israelis. However, the survey reveals only moderate consent for replacing overseas labor migrants with Palestinian commuters. Attitudes toward a restrictive immigration policy are explained by the perceived threat posed by overseas labor migrants to social and economic interests. This threat is explained by the respondents’ socio-economic characteristics. Attitudes toward the replacement policy are partially explained by the sense of threat to the Jewish character of the state posed by overseas migrants, but are also attributed to several personal characteristics. Policy implications of these findings are discussed.     

Debating group structure: How local,translocal, and national voluntary organizations promote democracy

America's changing civic universe has been the focus of great attention in recent years. A debate has ensued over what kinds of organizations made the United States a “nation of joiners.” Communitarian and social capital theorists assert that local organizations both anchored civic life in the U.S. in years past and hold the key to its future. Skocpol, on the other hand, insists that translocal organizations have historically proven most beneficial to democracy. This paper uses contemporary data to examine the merits of local, translocal, and national voluntary groups from the perspective of promoting civic and political engagement. Findings suggest that while strictly national organizations have few redeeming qualities, local and translocal groups promote civic engagement equally well. On this basis, the debate between Skocpol and the social capitalists and communitarians seems overblown. When it comes to the promotion of political engagement, however, translocal groups outperform their local counterparts.     

To disclose or not to disclose: Political conflicts in the countertransference

Self‐disclosure is a frequent topic in the relational psychotherapy literature. However, there are few psychoanalytic writings or empirical studies that concern self‐disclosure in the context of cross‐cultural treatment; specifically treatment between Israeli therapists and Palestinian clients. This particular subject broadens the investigation of cross‐cultural treatment beyond race and color into the domain of religious and political differences between client and clinician. An Israeli‐American therapist's counter‐transference reflections around self‐disclosure and its impact on her Palestinian client will be the subject of investigation in the following paper.

Self‐disclosure has been increasingly examined in the relational literature over the past ten years in the context of the therapist's subjectivity within the therapeutic encounter (Aron, 1991; Renik, 1995). Few psychoanalytic writings, however, have focused on self‐disclosure as embedded within race and culture, and fewer still address the impact of religious and political differences between client and therapist, differences that, in the case of a Palestinian client and an Israeli therapist, reflect larger social and political conflicts. The transference‐countertransference dynamics around self‐disclosure and the way these shape the therapeutic encounter between a Palestinian client and an Israeli therapist will be the subject of investigation in this paper.     

张学良的日本观与其政治思想的演变

日本观既是张学良政治思想的重要内容 ,又是其政治思想发展的制约因素。张学良一生基本是恨日、抗日 ,但不同时期他对日本的认识又不尽相同 ,正是这种不同直接影响了他政治思想的形成和发展 ,即由激进到退步再到激进的演变     

Traditional Support Systems: Are They Sufficient in a Culturally Diverse Academic Environment?

Correspondence to Dr Adital Ben-Ari School of Social Work, Faculty of Social Welfare and Health Studies, University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel 31905. Summary The present study explores the relationship between perceivedsocial support and well-being among students of the three mainpopulations living in Israel: Israeli-born Jews, Israeli-bornArabs and Russian immigrants. More specifically, it comparesthe well-being of these three groups and examines to what extentperceived social support actually contributes to their well-being.The sample comprised 278 undergradute students in the schoolsof social work and nursing at one of the major universitiesin Israel. Three instruments were used. Well-being was measuredby both the Brief Symptoms Inventory Scale (Derogatis, 1979)and the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck and Steer, 1987). Perceivedsocial support was assessed by the Multidimensional Scale ofPerceived Social Support (Zimet et al., 1988). The findingsshow that the Arab students are significantly more distressedthan their Jewish and Russian counterparts on all measures ofwell-being. At the same time, their perceived social supportis significantly higher than that of the Jewish students (bothIsraeli-born Jews and Russian immigrants). Stepwise linear regressionanalysis revealed that while perceived social support was amajor contributor to the explanation of well-being among theIsraeli students, it did not surface as a significant explanatorypredictor of well-being among either Arabs or Russian immigrants.The significance of the findings is discussed within the theoreticalframeworks of stress and social support theories as well asmodernization and immigration processes.     

Between Decentralized Planning and Neo-liberalism: Challenges for the Survival of the Indigenous People of Kerala, India

This paper examines the experiences of decentralization under successive political regimes in Kerala in the context of neo‐liberal policies, with reference to the impact on the lives of adivasi (indigenous) communities. The Communist Party‐led government had been implementing a home‐grown programme of decentralized planning since 1996 until it lost power to the Congress Party‐led conservative coalition in 2001. In the context of the accelerated structural adjustment and liberalization of the national government, the new government amended its predecessor's programme with a reduced role for the state bureaucratic and political actors in mobilizing people for planning and implementing projects at the local level. Based on a comparative analysis, the authors argue that the new programme has so far not been successful as regards enabling marginalized groups such as the indigenous communities to resist exclusion and move out of their states of deprivation. The study also shows that the withdrawal of the state from the social and economic sectors has adversely affected these groups.     

Local newspapers,House members,and source usage

Political communication scholarship has established the standard operating procedures for national media sourcing of government and politicians. The literature shows a strong reliance by the news media on official and national-level news sources that support the status quo. This paper investigates the less known subject of local newspaper sourcing practices on local House members. House members rely on the local media to communication with constituents but we have little insight into who provides the source material for coverage. Results show that local papers often parallel the national political media by depending on official and nonlocal sources for reporting ostensibly local political angles. Further, members’ press releases, papers’ size, and presence of a Washington bureau help explain local papers’ sourcing practices.     

Self-perception of minority group adolescents: the experience of Arabs living in Israel

This article describes the self-perception of Arab adolescents living in Israel. The experience of Arab adolescents in Israel is that of a minority group which is currently undergoing cultural, social and political changes. The Arabs in Israel are a non-assimilating minority, a status that is not the result of their free choice, but of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. The continuing state of conflict after this war between Israel and the Arab world has placed the Arabs in Israel in the permanent status of a hostile "minority", while the Jewish nationalist approach of the state of Israel has placed them outside the national consensus.
The sample consists of 692 twelfth-grade Arab adolescents from seven high schools located in Arab villages, Arab towns and mixed Jewish-Arab towns all over the country. Questionnaires were distributed among the students and were answered anonymously, each taking about 45 minutes to complete. The questionnaire is a version of the Offer Self-Image Questionnaire. It was translated from Hebrew into Arabic and modified to fit the unique situation of Arab adolescents in Israel. Demographic information included variables such as gender, religion and level of religiosity, number of years of parents education, and form of residence.
Findings show differences in various aspects of adolescents' self-perception according to gender, family level of religiosity and form of residence. The significance of the findings is discussed within two frameworks: environmental stability as related to self-concept, and the changes taking place in ethnic minority communities.     

POLITICAL DECENTRALISATION AND THE RESURGENCE OF REGIONAL IDENTITIES IN THAILAND

This article looks at the cultural resurgence that is taking place in Thailand's regions and amongst its ethnic minorities after a century of assimilationist policies carried out by the central Thai government in the interests of national integration. The article argues that the cultural resurgence is a result of three decades of economic development and a parallel process of democratisation of the political system. This has not only given different cultural groups new political rights to express their culture openly, but has also resulted in the government no longer regarding such expressions of cultural identity as posing a threat to Thai national unity.     

Political trust,young people and institutions in Europe. A multilevel analysis

The constant decline of political trust has been shown in political sociology. Young people in particular seem to display lower levels of political trust, which is a challenge for the sustainability of democracy. Still, these levels of political trust among youth differ greatly from one country to another. This article therefore seeks to answer the following question: How can we account for cross‐national diversity with regard to young people’s political trust? To answer this question, I performed multilevel analyses based on data from the European Social Survey. I show in the article that cross‐national diversity stems from the institutional arrangements that structure entry into adulthood, i.e., what I call ‘youth welfare citizenship regimes’: The more inclusive is the youth economic citizenship and the more individualised is their social citizenship, the higher is young people’s political trust – which could buffer the decline in political trust.     

Social Work Practice in Conflict-Ridden Areas: Cultural Sensitivity Is Not Enough

This paper tries to raise awareness of the distortions thatviolent political conflict may introduce into social work practicewith members of the rival community, and proposes training guidelinesfor social workers to help reduce those distortions. The understandingof the impact of political conflict on practice is based onthe Israeli–Palestinian experience. The suggestions regardingwhat social workers should be aware of when practising in situationsof political conflict, however, and the training guidelinesthat are offered can apply to practice in other conflict-riddenareas worldwide.     

论“和谐社会”视野下的大学生思想政治教育

加强大学生思想政治教育,是构建社会主义和谐社会的一项重要的治本之策。当代大学生思想上存在着与社会不和谐的突出问题,其成因来自社会、自身、家庭、高校、外来文化等各个方面。加强和改进大学生思想政治教育,可为构建社会主义和谐社会奠定和谐的思想基础,增添巨大的力量源泉。因此,要营造良好的文化氛围,探索有效的方法途径,培育健康的社会心理。     

Political socialization in the classroom revisited: The Kids Voting program

Can a civic education program have a short-term impact on political awareness of students and also lead to higher turnout by their parents? This political socialization study evaluates a program, used by 2.3 million students in 1994, that was designed to achieve both goals. Responses to a random survey of 24,976 participants in the Kids Voting program indicate that most students followed the election campaign closely and found the KV program to be enjoyable and useful. Analysis of non-equivalent control groups shows a slight gain in turnout in areas where schools used the program, compared to areas where it was not used. The study also suggests Kids Voting may have several secondary benefits, such as increased student use of the news media and increased discussions of public affairs with family and friends—activities which are linked to long-term political socialization. It remains unclear whether any changes in student attitudes associated with the program are simply short-term in nature.     

市场化、政治价值观与中国居民的政府信任

本文利用CGSS2010的数据，考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现：第一，随着市场化的推进，居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化，但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化；第二，中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著，市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系；第三，权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用，但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化，而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出，中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期，这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同，也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外，在市场化改革背景下，理性思维日益占据主导地位，因此，提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。     

The Role of the West in Evolving World Order,and Russian Politics

The coexistence of modernities of different structural types, with different historical foundations, and with different systemic modes of structural organization leads to the coexistence of traditional and new actors within a single spatiotemporal arrangement of international relations and to the differentiation of macroregions and nation-states in accordance with structural principles of organization. In the final analysis, the type of political access in specific nation-states and the combination of different types of political access in macroregions with different modes of structural organization and at different stages of historical development influence the developmental strategies of states and the character and priorities of their foreign policies; these in turn continue in significant measure to shape the processes that form the space of world politics. The identification of such interconnections makes it possible to analyze the influence of the type of sociopolitical access in states, coalitions of states, and global regions on the formative processes and character of the space of world politics and to engage in social engineering of the format of national and world space with a view to optimizing conditions for national development. Theoretical and practical conceptualization of the interconnection between external and internal processes, including their political component, will enable us to work out applied theories of competitive models of cooperative regional and national development and strategies for national modernization and development with adequate protection of national interests.     

道德、政治化与抽象的世界主义 基于对涂尔干《社会分工论》及相关著作的解读

涂尔干是民族主义者还是世界主义者？对此问题的回答必须回到涂尔干有关道德论述的脉络当中去。涂尔干对于“道德始于群体成员资格”的论断,决定了在他的分析当中,不同的群体具有等级差异性,在道德形成的过程中,民族国家无疑被赋予了优先地位。如果我们必须回到民族国家来阐述道德的形成,这同时也意味着必须在民族国家内部实现世界主义,这是一种鲜明的自由民族主义的立场。     

国家形象片的政治传播话语效度研究

2011年初中国国家形象片在美国的不同场合滚动播出,彰显了中国国家层面上建构国家形象的努力,隐含着转型中国在面临全球化挑战、开展全球化对话过程中遭遇的形象危机。然而,以国家主导的形象建构是一种政治传播,其话语效度值得进一步考察。在中国国家形象片播出之后,中国民众呈现出不一样的声音和态度,也从另一个角度构成了这种政治传播话语的效度难题。     

Christian Fundamentalists and Public Opinion Toward the Middle East: Israel's New Best Friends?*

Objectives. Although Christian fundamentalist elites have become increasingly vocal in their support for Israel in the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, it is not clear that this rhetoric has produced differing attitudes about U.S. foreign policy in public opinion. This article examines whether such differences exist, and whether they are rooted in aspects of fundamentalist eschatology. Methods. Data from a national telephone survey on attitudes toward the Middle East conflict and U.S. policy were examined using multivariate regression and means comparisons. Results. These results demonstrate that Christian fundamentalists are the strongest supporters of Israel in America today. Fundamentalists have greater sympathy for Israel, oppose policies to pressure Israel, and are distinctive from all other groups in their high levels of support for continuing Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territories, as well as complete Israeli control of Jerusalem. Conclusion. Christian fundamentalists in America are distinctive on this vital issue in American foreign policy because of their literal interpretation of the Bible or their leaders' increased cues on Middle East policies, or both. This suggests that religion is now an important factor in understanding public opinion on U.S. foreign policy in the region.