共有系统论下的中华文化圈翻译

运用"共有系统"论来重新审视中华文化圈内部各种文化之间的翻译史,目的是为了重写翻译史。中华文化圈中的汉文化,以礼义为标志的"华夷之辨"文化传统,"以文化为纽带、以利益为根本"的宗藩关系,都是一种对各个文化、各个民族都有益的"共有系统"。中华文化圈中各个文化、各个民族之所以在翻译汉文化方面能够合理合作,原因就在于各方都认同这一"共有系统",从而利用这一"共有系统"服务自我。一旦把"共有系统"看作可加以利用的工具,就展示出了一个没有霸权的世界秩序,从而回击后殖民译论。     

苏联的系统论研究

近一、二十年来,西方和苏联的学者大力开展系统论的研究.在五十年代左右,美国一些自然科学家积极提倡系统论,随后一些社会科学家也参加这项研究.从六十年代起,苏联一些社会科学家开始研究系统论,成立了专门研究机构,出版了不少这方面的论著,创办了《系统研究年鉴》.目前,系统论在苏联已经在社会科学、自然科学和技术科学的许多领域广泛传播,大家都在探讨"系统分析"、"系统方法",形成了一个"系统运动",出现了研究系统论的热潮.现将苏联学术界研究系统论的一些情况,扼要综述如下.     

试论贝氏一般系统论的形成过程(方法论分析)

没有科学史的科学方法论是空泛的科学方法论;没有科学方法论的科学史是杂乱的科学史。——康德路·冯贝塔朗菲(简称“贝氏”)是一般系统论的创始人。机体论纲领、开放系统理论和一般系统论是贝氏一般系统论形成过程中的三步,它们构成了一个由科学研究的方法论纲领、个别科学理论和一般科学理论三个环节组成的科学理论发展的链条。从科学方法论角度分析这个链条,乃是现代科学方法论研究中的一个新课题。本文依据这个发展的链条,逐次展开对它的方法论探讨。一、机体论纲领贝氏在回顾一般系统论形成过程的时候说,“机体论纲领是而后著名的普通系统论的萌芽”。这里所说的“普通系统论”,现多译作“一般     

晚清翻译现象的多元系统论阐释

多元系统理论(POLYSYTEM THEORY)是EVEN-ZOHAR提出的一种文化理论,最早成功地应用于翻译研究,对中国翻译研究的启迪和指导是多方面的。结合自己对多元系统理论的理解,笔者运用多元系统理论重新审视林纾、严复的翻译策略,以期发现其翻译策略背后的文化成因。     

普通系统论的历史和现状

根据路·冯·贝塔朗菲的观点,系统论(SystemsApproach)包括普通系统论、控制论、信息论等等.普通系统论(General Systems Theory)是现代科学方法论流派之一,一门新的边缘性学科,目前在国外颇为流行.路·冯·贝塔朗菲是普通系统论的主要创始人之一,原籍奥地利,生物学家,晚年在加拿大和美国教书和从事科研工作,他大力研究和积极提倡普通系统论,写了不少这方面的论著.本文反映了美国研究普通系统论的一些主要观点.摘译如下.     

《矛盾论》和当代系统论

认识《矛盾论》和系统论的关系,是深入理解毛泽东《矛盾论》思想的关节点。曾有一段时间,有的人认为当代系统论扬弃了矛盾论,矛盾论作为两要素论,已经成为历史的陈迹。这一观点是没有依据的。只要我们进一步研究矛盾论与当代系统论的关系,可以发现:第一,系统论立足于现代科学和实践的发展,因而在许多方面把矛盾论的思想具体化和丰富了。在现代,哲学、辩证法、矛盾论必须从系统论中吸取营养,使自己更具现代特色。第二,我们必须看到矛盾论有其不可取代的地位,由于矛盾论是立足于自然、社会、人、思维相互联系和发展的观点上的,因而比系统论有更宽广的指导意义,在一定意义上,矛盾论又超越着系统,从更广的领域揭示着世界和人类的发展。第三,毛泽东于1937年写作的《矛盾论》的思维逻辑与现代系统论的发展是一致的,比如内因决定论与系统自组织理论,内外因关系理论与系统一环境理论,矛盾层次理论与系统等级、发育理论,主要矛盾理论与序变量理论,矛盾依据性质和条件有不同解决方式与耗散结构、突变论等等,这种逻辑上的一致性启发我们对《矛盾论》思想作更深入的认识和研究。     

系统论辨析

系统论是当今盛行于我国哲学界和社会科学界中的一个“时髦”的术语。在哲学界,探讨系统论的哲学意义、方法论功能和系统论与马克思主义哲学的关系,乃是近年来的热门话题。在社会科学界,以系统论为科学的思想方法研究各学科中的具体问题,也颇属盛行。但是,对于何为系统论却所见迥异、莫衷一是。人们往往对系统论作多种多样的理解和解释。我国现今对系统论的解释,起码有三种值得分辨和剖析的情况。第一,混淆了系统论与系统处理方法(SyStems approach);第二,把系统论理解为一种哲学思想,即系统观;第三,把系统论等同于一般系统论。为此,有必要对上述各种理解和解释加以分辨和剖析,从而使系统论本身的含义得到确切的规定,以便提高系统论应用时的准确性、科学性和规范性。     

浅析翻译研究的语言学理论期

本文概要介绍了翻译研究的语言学理论期的理论发展情况,并对具有代表性的两个学派的主要观点进行了浅显的分析,最后对这一时期的翻译研究作了简要评价。     

中华民族共有精神家园研究述评

中华民族共有精神家园是国家文化软实力的重要组成部分,也是社会主义文化强国战略的重要基石。自从党的十七大提出"中华民族共同精神家园"的理论命题以来,学术界对中华民族共有精神家园的内涵、定位、功能、建构等都做了广泛而深入的研究,初步搭建起了中华民族共有精神家园立体化的理论架构。然而,在成果丰硕的背后,也还存在着核心概念运用混乱、研究内容重复零散、研究方法单一偏狭等一些局限与不足。     

一个旅行的概念:Gender(社会性别)--以北欧、东欧和南美对Gender的翻译为例

本文以讨论"理论旅行"的理论为开端,进一步扩展到翻译研究中的有关论述,以期形成一种分析跨国女权主义的框架.其后,以在国际妇女运动中流传最广的女权主义概念gender(社会性别)为例,来看这一概念是如何在欧洲、南美通过翻译进行"旅行"的.通过勾画这些理论旅行的路线,来展示gender这一概念,是如何在不断被翻译和解释的过程中形成的.     

Sources of Corruption in Authoritarian Regimes*

Objectives. We seek to investigate the determinants of corruption in authoritarian polities. We hypothesize that corruption in nondemocratic settings will be greater where the ruling group is personalistic rather than a political party or a military clique and that it will be greater where rulers expect to remain in power longer. We construct a new operationalization of the selectorate theory advanced by Bueno de Mesquita et al. Methods. We use cross‐sectional statistical analysis (OLS) to examine a sample of 40‐odd authoritarian regimes as of 2000. Results. Our results indicate that personalistic and personalistic‐hybrid regimes are more prone to corruption than single‐party and military regimes and also that rulers who expect to remain in power for longer are less corrupt. Corroborating previous studies, we document that the availability of natural resources and higher levels of institutionalized autocracy are associated with greater corruption and that wealthier countries experience less corruption. Our results are consistent with previous studies, including that of Bueno de Mesquita et al., but because of our reconstruction of selectorate theory in terms of real‐world regime types, they are more easily interpretable. Conclusions. Our study sheds light on why African countries are so notoriously corrupt. The personalistic authoritarian regimes that have arisen there in the postcolonial period appear especially prone to corruption, whereas military and single‐party dictatorships are less corrupt.     

Reconsidering the Impact of Jurisprudential Regimes*

Objectives. Recent work on Supreme Court decision making has argued that different areas of law demonstrate the creation of jurisprudential regimes, which alter the importance of different case facts to the justices, suggesting that the justices do alter their behavior in response to changes in the law. However, the work on jurisprudential regimes has suggested that all justices, or at least all justices who participate in establishing the regime, react similarly to the regime creation. Methods. I separate out the justices who support the establishment of the regime and those who oppose the establishment of the regime to test the hypothesis that majority and dissenting justices react differently to the creation of jurisprudential regimes. Results. Both sets of justices react to the establishment of the regime, but the change in behavior of the dissenters occurs after that of the majority. Conclusions. These results suggest that the impact of jurisprudential regimes may be even more substantial than previously believed.     

Regimes of Vision and Products of Color

ABSTRACT

This article argues in favor of opening up media studies and visual studies to a new line of sensory inquiry—namely, embracing color as a powerful and pertinent mode of communication. It probes the contemporary state of color products and/or products of color through three interconnected categories (that is, color as expression of identity or quality; color as mark of individuality and color as cosmetic) to reveal not only the complex interplay between “signature” and “shock” hues, but also the implications for color codification—and for color communication as a whole.     

Beyond Welfare Regimes: From Empirical Typology to Conceptual Ideal types

The welfare regime concept introduced by Gøsta Esping‐Andersen in 1990 is still widely used in comparative political research, although it has been challenged extensively both on empirical and analytical grounds. Besides the fact that many empirical welfare states seem to be hybrid cases of the established welfare regime categories, the argument that welfare regimes exist not only at the country level but also at the local level and at the level of particular welfare programmes has recently gained momentum in the academic literature. In this article, it is argued that the welfare regime concept should be stripped of its historical‐geographical connotations and turned into an ideal‐typical approach. To this end, a three‐dimensional model is proposed here that allows for analyzing the attributes of welfare states, welfare regions and welfare programmes on three analytical dimensions: welfare culture, welfare institutions and socio‐structural effects.     

汇率制度退出与转型：文献综述

如何退出已有汇率制度安排，向更具弹性的汇率制度转型？这是当前新兴市场和发展中国家面临的一个重要问题。在维持已有制度的边际成本与边际收益一致时退出已有汇率制度是最优的。最佳退出时机的经验判断原则取决于该国的经济结构、经济发展阶段、经济冲击、政治与制度因素等。这些因素同时也决定了该国汇率制度退出和转型的策略选择。汇率制度转型所需的基本条件是：一个具有一定深度和一定流动性的外汇市场，一套连贯的中央银行外汇市场干预的政策措施，一个恰当的名义锚，监测和管理公共部门和私人部门外汇风险暴露的有效机制。     

East Asian Welfare Regimes in Transition: From Confucianism to Globalisation

Books reviewed:
A lan W alker and C hack - kie W ong , East Asian Welfare Regimes in Transition: From Confucianism to Globalisation.     

The Global Governance of Terrorism: An Assessment of Different Regimes*

Breakthroughs in the global governance of terrorism depend mainly on the development on the part of the international community of thorough and effective mechanisms. At present, global governance targets terrorism via four regimes: hegemonic governance; governance by international organizations; hybrid governance; and coordinated governance by major powers. These strategies have made a contribution to counter-terrorism, but they do have shortcomings. We start with the judgment that governance entities should adhere to the logic of consequences, the logic of appropriateness, the logic of emotion and the logic of habitus, and on this basis make a preliminary assessment of the global governance of terrorism. Present terrorism governance regimes tend to be based on the thinking of the logic of consequences with only partial implementation of the logic of appropriateness and no use, so far, of counterterrorism measures based on the logic of emotion and the logic of habitus. To address both the symptoms and root causes of terrorism, international society should encourage governance strategies that implement counter-terrorism measures based on the four types of logic above and should promote coordination and cooperation based on this platform. In this course, China could promote a more significant role in global terrorism governance for such counter-terrorism platforms as the United Nations, including the Security Council, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.     

East Asian Welfare Regimes: Testing the Hypothesis of the Developmental Welfare State

Following the three welfare regimes constructed by Esping‐Andersen, many scholars have addressed the question of whether there may be a further type of regime, differing from the categories of liberal, conservative and social democratic, pertaining to other parts of the world. Discussion has centred largely on East Asia and, in particular, on the notion of the developmental/productivist welfare regime. Yet these discussions have been based more on conceptual classification than empirical analysis. This article attempts to fill in the gap, with reference to the developmental characteristics of Taiwan, South Korea and Japan. A set of 15 indicators is developed for the factor and cluster analysis of 20 countries, based on data from the 1980s and 1990s. The results indicate the existence of a new group, consisting of Taiwan and South Korea, which is distinct from Esping‐Andersen's three regimes – unlike Japan, which remains a composite of various regime types. Regime characteristics peculiar to the cases of Taiwan and South Korea include: low/medium social security expenditure, high social investment, more extensive gender discrimination in salary, medium/high welfare stratification, a high non‐coverage rate for pensions, high individual welfare loading, and high family welfare responsibility. When compared with Esping‐Andersen's three regimes, the East Asian developmental regime shows similarity with his conservative model, in respect of welfare stratification, while the non‐coverage of welfare entitlements is similar to his liberal model. There is virtually no evidence of any similarity between the developmental welfare regime and Esping‐Andersen's social democratic regime type.     

Labour Markets,Care Regimes and Foreign Care Worker Policies in East Asia

This article analyzes the politics of foreign care worker policies in Japan, Korea and Taiwan. In the face of socio‐demographic challenges, these countries have responded differently to the increasing demand for hiring foreign care workers, creating distinct policies with respect to the origins of the foreign care workforce, the size of the foreign care workforce in the labour market, and job specifications. In this article, I argue that the interaction of female employment patterns, the public provision (or lack) of social care, and labour market policies in the care service sector determines the diverging political pathways of foreign care worker policies in these three countries over the past two decades.     

Changing Welfare Regimes in East and Southeast Asia: Crisis, Change and Challenge

The Asia‐Pacific region is a latecomer to the development of the welfare state. However, in some countries, governments have implemented ambitious programmes to extend social security systems and to enlarge the institutional structure of their welfare states. Comparative study of the welfare systems in East and Southeast Asia is, however, underdeveloped and there still is a relative lack of accurate knowledge about welfare systems in the region. Since the Asian financial crisis, more attention has been paid to the social policies of the countries. This paper examines features of welfare regimes in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan and Thailand, and undertakes a systematic review of the development, levels and patterns of welfare regimes in the region. Two core questions are answered: can the existing welfare systems help mitigate the social impact of the financial and economic crisis? What are the needs, challenges and developmental perspectives that inform the future of welfare regimes in this region?