Religion, politics, and support for same-sex marriage in the United States, 1988-2008

We examine how religious and political factors structure support for same-sex marriage in the United States over the last two decades. Using data from the General Social Surveys, we show that respondents who identify more strongly with the Republican Party, sectarian denominations, and those who subscribe to biblical fundamentalism and political conservatism are substantially more opposed to same-sex marriage than are other Americans. Heterogeneous ordinal logistic regression models show that these religious and political factors have become more important over the last two decades. Cohorts born after 1945 became substantially more supportive of marriage rights between 1988 and 2008, but shifts in support for marriage rights were less sizeable for persons affiliated with sectarian denominations, religious fundamentalists, Republicans, and political conservatives. Estimates from structural equation models show that religious factors influence political conservatism and Republican identification, yet both religious and political factors have significant and substantial independent direct effects on support for same-sex marriage.     

Small groups,contexts, and civic engagement: A multilevel analysis of United States Congregational Life Survey data

Prior research suggests that church-goers are more civically engaged than their non-church-going counterparts. Little is known, however, about how the popular phenomenon of small groups factors into this equation. In the present study, we examine relationships between small group participation at individual and congregation levels and civic engagement. Using multilevel modeling and national data on congregations and individuals from the U.S. Congregational Life Study (n = 82,044), we find that: (1) individual-level small group involvement is associated with four measures of civic engagement; (2) congregation-level small group participation is associated with both lower and higher civic engagement in the case of two outcomes; and (3) in the case of three civic outcomes, congregation-level small group participation moderates individual-level small group involvement such that small group members’ civic activity more closely resembles the lower civic engagement of small group nonparticipants. In the case of one civic outcome, at high levels of overall small group participation, small group members’ civic engagement drops below that of small group nonparticipants. Explanations for these findings, including a “crowding out” effect, are examined including their complex implications for debates regarding small groups, religious involvement, and civic engagement.     

政治、经学的衰变与西汉后期士人心态的走向

从汉昭帝刘弗陵即位 (前 86)到西汉末的约一个世纪 ,是西汉政治和经学发展的一个相对独立时期。就政局而言 ,外戚与中宦交替专权 ,君权旁落 ,政局多变。与汉武帝时期的皇权极盛、高度集权很不相同。就经学而言 ,重用儒士 ,广建学校 ,盛行以灾异论政 ,并出现了政治与儒学合一的现象。儒学和儒生的地位空前提高 ,这与汉武帝时期儒学仅用于“润饰吏事”、儒生往往被“俳优蓄之”也有极大差别。但是 ,经学地位的提高和空前发展并未给经学和儒生带来多少好运 ,诡谲多变的政局不仅使经学盛极而衰 ,也导致了士人的坎坷与分流。很多士人与政治渐渐疏离 ,尽管表现方式各有不同 ,但总体上呈现出一股道家思想回归的潮流     

Social mobility in 20 modern societies: The role of economic and political context

It is commonly argued that social mobility rates are influenced by economic and political conditions. Nevertheless, research on this issue has tended to be hindered by two limitations that make it difficult to draw strong conclusions about contextual effects: (1) seldom have country-level and individual-level influences been tested simultaneously, and (2) only rarely have data more recent than the 1970s been employed. We improve on previous research by employing multilevel models fitted to relatively recent survey data collected from 20 modern societies by the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) and national-level characteristics derived from various official sources. Our findings demonstrate systematic cross-national variation in the association between the occupational status of respondents and their fathers. Consistent with the industrialization thesis, this variation is positively associated with per-capita GDP, suggesting that more affluent nations are characterized by more open and fluid stratification structures. Our results also suggest the importance of political regimes and migration for social mobility. In contrast, economic inequality appears to explain very little of the cross-national variation in mobility rates.     

新时期农民教育与农民政治行为的关系研究——基于教育政治学的视角

随着社会的发展、历史的进步和制度的变迁,教育与政治的关系也在发生相应的变化:教育不再是政治的依附体,教育不仅相对独立于政治,而且在推动社会进步中不断完善和优化政治。在我国,政治制度是以众多农民为基础的,农民教育是农村基层政治进步的前提。农民教育对农村基层政治的影响主要表现为对农民政治行为的优化,通过农民教育,农民的政治人格得到发展、参与能力得到提升、政治主体性得到培育。     

Developing spatial inequalities in carbon appropriation: A sociological analysis of changing local emissions across the United States

This study examines an overlooked dynamic in sociological research on greenhouse gas emissions: how local areas appropriate the global carbon cycle for use and exchange purposes as they develop. Drawing on theories of place and space, we hypothesize that development differentially drives and spatially decouples use- and exchange-oriented emissions at the local level. To test our hypotheses, we integrate longitudinal, county-level data on residential and industrial emissions from the Vulcan Project with demographic, economic and environmental data from the U.S. Census Bureau and National Land Change Database. Results from spatial regression models with two-way fixed-effects indicate that alongside innovations and efficiencies capable of reducing environmentally harmful effects of development comes a spatial disarticulation between carbon-intensive production and consumption within as well as across societies. Implications for existing theory, methods and policy are discussed.     

The human dimensions of climate change: A micro-level assessment of views from the ecological modernization,political economy and human ecology perspectives

Understanding the manifold human and physical dimensions of climate change has become an area of great interest to researchers in recent decades. Using a U.S. nationally-representative data set and drawing on the ecological modernization, political economy, and human ecology perspectives, this study examines the impacts of energy efficiency technologies, affluence, household demographics, and biophysical characteristics on residential CO₂ emissions. Overall, the study provides mixed support for the ecological modernization perspective. While several findings are consistent with the theory's expectation that modern societies can harness technology to mitigate human impacts on the environment, others directly contradict it. Also, the theory's prediction of an inverted U-shaped relationship between affluence and environmental impacts is contradicted. The evidence is somewhat more supportive of the political economy and human ecology perspectives, with affluence, some indicators of technology, household demographics, and biophysical characteristics emerging as important drivers of residential CO₂ emissions.     

改革、市场经济与村庄政治——基于一个浙江村庄政治的三十年变迁

这是一篇基于一个个案研究而企图探讨改革开放以来中国乡村政治的变迁的论文.通过个案,要讨论的是这样一些问题:从20世纪70年代末实施改革开放以来,中国的村庄政治尤其是村庄权力结构及运作经历了怎样的变化?这些变化到底意味着什么?由此,在某种程度上揭示出中国农村的政治运行逻辑.基本的发现是:七一村(个案村)的权力结构存在一个核心权力层,但已经出现多样性的格局,是一个多样性的一元结构,有变的一面,也有不变的一面;通过研究发现七一村的村庄政治属于发展型的权威主义,并且有着父爱主义的色彩;无论从规章制度文本、会议制度还是决策机制,七一村权力运作的规范性程度有了很大的提升,形成了能人政治、精英治理.这将是中国经济相对发达村庄的一个长期的模式.七一村虽然只是一个普普通通的村庄,但20世纪中国的大变迁却使小小的村庄伴随着我们这个国家经历了此前未曾经历的变化.通过七一村的个案研究可为中国农村内部秩序重建提供学理的根据与对策建议.     

绿色政治的价值诉求与理论构建:人与自然关系的政治学思考

绿色政治是20世纪60年代末70年代初以来最先在欧美发达资本主义国家形成的一种新兴政治思潮。绿色政治是源于对生态危机的审视而兴起的政治学思考,是人类对自己基本的生存和发展问题的一种反思。绿色政治以生态优先价值观为核心价值诉求,以社会正义、基层民主和非暴力为理论建构支撑,它们以生态优先价值观为主线互相联系在一起,建构绿色政治的理论体系,反映绿色政治的实质内涵,传达着一种生态智慧。     

Buffering income loss due to unemployment: Family and welfare state influences on income after job loss in the United States and western Germany

This article analyzes how the family and the welfare state influence household income trajectories after job loss in the United States and in western Germany. Drawing on panel data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), I study the income buffering effects of the family and the welfare state in the short an in the long run after job loss. I demonstrate that household income trajectories after job loss in the two countries are similar for couple households. However, men in the United States rely relatively more on family resources to overcome income loss, whereas German men’s incomes are secured mostly by the welfare state. Women’s unemployment in both countries is mainly buffered by their partners’ higher earnings. Because single households have no access to family support, they face much higher losses in the United States than in Germany. I also show that the more generous German welfare state triggers less private self-help in the form of increased labor force participation on the part of women when their partners lose their jobs. Over time, the family has become more important in buffering incomes after job loss in the United States which smoothed men’s and roughened women’s income trajectories in couple households. In Germany, worsening re-employment chances increased income losses in the long run after job loss.     

民意调查中真实性“公共民意”获取的方法论路径

通过民意调查,真实地反映民众对公共事务的社会态度和公共民意;使前者成为社会变迁预警系统的构建基础,后者成为引导与确证公共政策问题形成的起点。既往的民意调查方法,由于简单地移植了一般社会调查方法的技术工具,无法克服伪装型社会态度和虚假型公共民意的出现。通过定期统计网络特定多数议题的修辞框架,把握真实性民意的社会态度;通过行政吸纳政治的制度培育路径,发掘和引领公共民意的价值生成;是完善和创新当代中国民意调查方法的重要路径。     

《诗经》与先秦诗学的政教色彩

先秦诗学的总体特征是以政治功用的眼光与标准来评价作品,作为其主要研究对象的《诗经》,其具有的特殊性无疑与这一特点的形成关系密切。《诗经》是周代礼乐文化的产物,其表现的内容也大多围绕伦理道德与社会秩序,政治意味相当浓厚。儒家士人更是站在政治的角度对《诗经》进行阐述。而《诗经》的"言志"功能则进一步表明:在先秦,诗的价值主要在于它可以满足某种政教需求或理想。     

美国米兰达规则发展探析

米兰达诉亚利桑那州一案判例确立了米兰达规则的基本内容和它在美国刑事司法制度中的地位。随后爱德华兹诉亚利桑那州、俄亥俄州诉麦卡第、亚利桑那州诉罗伯逊、密苏里州诉帕瑞斯.西伯特等判例,进一步丰富了米兰达规则的内容,使其更具可操作性。但米兰达规则也遭到了强烈反对,纽约州诉夸尔斯、伊利诺伊州诉劳埃德.伯肯斯、合众国诉奥尔索等判例,使米兰达规则趋于保守,更加注重保障警察如何有效执法。迪克森诉合众国一案,使米兰达规则的地位又得到恢复,但美国“9.11”事件发生后,米兰达规则再次走向保守。     

论政治正当性的重建难题——以阿尔都塞对卢梭的批评为视角

阿尔都塞在揭示了卢梭《社会契约论》的现实主题、理论参照及其内部四重“错位”关系之后,批评卢梭所构造的理论秩序缺乏实践的可操作性。其实,阿尔都塞忽视了卢梭超越霍布斯与洛克对政治合法性论证路径的理论努力,没有看到卢梭通过构造“公意”以突破普遍主义与自愿主义、个人与集体之间对立的可能意义。通过对阿尔都塞解读卢梭视角的再考察,不仅可以清理关于卢梭在政治思想史中的形象的纷争,而且还可以揭示“社会契约论”在现代政治正当性重建中的致思路径与内在困难,进而可能获得一个检视西方政治哲学问题结构的宏观视角。     

The expansion of religious affiliation: An explanation of the growth of church participation in the United States 1850–1930

This paper focuses on the period in U.S. history that experienced the most rapid rate of increase of church membership—the decades between 1850 and 1930—in order to explain synchronic and diachronic variation in those rates. Using pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, different predictions are derived and tested from theories of secularization/social control, comparative disadvantage, resource mobilization, and pluralism. The effects of spatial diffusion and the momentum of religious tradition also are estimated. Our conclusion is that religious monopoly—not diversity—fuels religious expansion. This finding is bolstered by the complementary result that ethnic homogeneity is also conducive to religious expansion. Together these results highlight the importance for mobilization of religious and ethnocultural dominance in a particular niche.     

国家与社会的互动:美国大麻管制政策的源起

20世纪初,美国州与联邦政府介入和参与大麻管制之时,社会反对大麻的一致性已经确立.随着社会的文化机理与道德因素的变迁,公众对待大麻的态度开始发生变化,逐步制造出一种"道德恐慌".大麻逐渐由社会问题的边缘向中心靠拢,问题中心化的结果聚合为社会一致性,这种一致性的确立不仅影响着大麻管制的起源,而且是政策强化与弱化的重要睛雨表.同时国家与社会都存有部分的"自我限制",致使二者之间的互动并不完全同步或对等.但是,可以肯定,国家与社会之间的互动无疑是政策调整的基点,而国家与社会的和谐则成为政策制订与实施的归宿.     

The growth of survey research in the United States: Government-sponsored surveys, 1984-2004

Although it is widely assumed that survey requests to the general public have grown steadily over time, there are no good studies documenting the trend. This article describes the growth in survey requests from one sector of the industry: the US government. Using the 83-I clearance forms that agencies must file with the Office of Management and Budget in order to collect information from the public, we estimate the changes between 1984 and 2004 in the number of federal government surveys, number of respondents interviewed, average survey lengths, and total survey hours. In addition, we compare the changes in these variables with the changes in a measure of dollars spent on the surveys. The results are discussed in the context of the “over-surveying” explanation for the long-term decline in response rates to surveys.     

The dual contingencies of ethnoraciality: Status-context disparities in health information sources among sexual minorities

Researchers often explore health (care) beliefs as a function of individual characteristics; yet, few consider the role of context in shaping both beliefs and the behaviors that are informed by them. As a sociopolitical construct, ethnoraciality provides a concerning source of bias in studies of health (care) beliefs because it inhabits both individual and contextual forms. This study examines whether the ethnoracial context of the residential area where sexual minorities live is associated with a particular health (care) belief – sources of trustworthy health information – and considers how ethnoracial group membership status differentiates these ecological associations drawing on mediation and moderation models. Using data from the 2010 Social Justice Sexuality Project, our analysis shows that sexual minorities who live with high concentrations of Latinos and Whites are less likely to rely exclusively on medical professionals for trustworthy health information than those who live with high concentrations of Blacks. Moreover, exclusive reliance on medical professionals for health information among Black and Latino sexual minorities is stronger in co-ethnic communities (predominately Black and Latino areas, respectively). The analysis also documents status and contextual differentials and status-context contingencies of reliance on the Internet, social networks, and multiple agents (“triangulation”) as sources of health information. Findings suggest that place-based co-ethnic networks may facilitate disease prevention among Black and Latino sexual minorities by improving the quality of their relationships with sick role gatekeepers and breaking down the silos of the medical complex. The study concludes by considering the value of a place-based approach to alleviating health disparities among sexual minorities vis-à-vis the health care system.     

Race,deprivation, and immigrant isolation: The spatial demography of air-toxic clusters in the continental United States

This article contributes to environmental inequality outcomes research on the spatial and demographic factors associated with cumulative air-toxic health risks at multiple geographic scales across the United States. It employs a rigorous spatial cluster analysis of census tract-level 2005 estimated lifetime cancer risk (LCR) of ambient air-toxic emissions from stationary (e.g., facility) and mobile (e.g., vehicular) sources to locate spatial clusters of air-toxic LCR risk in the continental United States. It then tests intersectional environmental inequality hypotheses on the predictors of tract presence in air-toxic LCR clusters with tract-level principal component factor measures of economic deprivation by race and immigrant status. Logistic regression analyses show that net of controls, isolated Latino immigrant-economic deprivation is the strongest positive demographic predictor of tract presence in air-toxic LCR clusters, followed by black-economic deprivation and isolated Asian/Pacific Islander immigrant-economic deprivation. Findings suggest scholarly and practical implications for future research, advocacy, and policy.