民国时期青海城镇市场述论

民国时期青海的城镇市场在原有基础上有了一定发展,虽然许多地方仍不尽人意,但还是对传统的军事和交通重镇模式有所突破,商贸业的顺利运营在城镇发展过程中起着越来越突出的作用.文章以西宁、湟源、结古、鲁沙尔4个具有代表性的城镇市场的发育状况为例,指出它们各自的发展缘由与特点,并归纳出民国时期青海城镇市场的总体特征,以期对此领域有较为明晰的认识和科学的总结.     

对口援疆凝聚民族团结深情灾捐款

20新16年7月10日，位于疆博尔塔拉蒙古自治州的湖北省援疆工作前方指挥部，收到一位维吾尔族老人亲自送来的6000元捐款，捐款人是该州博乐市小营盘镇乌图布拉格村党支部书记、村委会主任吐尔逊?艾则孜。68岁的吐尔逊老人饱含深情地说：“这6000元是我刚卖牛的收入，全部捐献出来，就是为了支持湖北乡亲们抗洪救灾。希望能为湖北受灾的亲人们添件遮风挡雨的衣衫，买口热热乎乎的饭菜。”     

进一步巩固我国多民族大家庭——《回族对伟大祖国的贡献》序

由甘肃省委书记苏荣提议,甘肃省政协牵头,具体由喇敏智副主席(回族)负责,喇敏智主编、马明良执行主编,组织兰州大学、西北民族大学、西北师范大学及北京、宁夏、甘肃有关研究院所的学者专家撰写了《回族对伟大祖国的贡献》一书。该书着重突出回族从近现代至当代的贡献和作为,特别是在维护国家安全与统一、抵御外侮、保家卫国、开发祖国、发展经济、繁荣中华文化、推进科技进步及发展教育、艺术、体育、卫生等事业方面所做出的突出贡献,分总论、文化篇、政治篇、经济篇、精神篇几个板块,体例新颖,文字流畅,写出了回族的辉煌业绩和骄人贡献,展示了回族的全新面貌,令人耳目一新,是目前我国第一部系统论述回族对祖国历史和现实贡献的专著。书前有中共中央政治局常委、全国政协主席贾庆林关于《回族对伟大祖国的贡献》一书的批示,有全国政协副主席张思卿、白立忱(回族)、李兆焯(壮族),第九届全国人大常委会副委员长布赫(蒙古族),第九届全国政协副主席王文元,中共中央统战部副部长、国家民委主任李德洙(朝鲜族)及甘肃省党、政、军各方面领导同志仲兆隆、李乾元、喻林祥、李子奇的重要题词。这些题词充分肯定了《回族对伟大祖国的贡献》这本书对发扬回族优良传统,增强民族间的了解和团结,构建和谐社会的重要意义。为此,本刊特向读者推荐这本书,并将刘延东同志的序文和苏荣同志的批示刊出,以荐读者。     

民族知识——壮族

<正>壮族是由古代百越的一支发展形成的,主要分布在我国广西、云南、广东、湖南、贵州、四川等省区,以广西最多。人口1617.88万(2000年),是中国少数民族中人口最多的民族。壮族有自己的语言文字,壮语属汉藏语系壮侗语族壮傣语支,文字系1955年创制的拉丁字母拼音文字。     

爱国爱教身先垂范——访中国伊斯兰教协会会长、著名阿洪陈广元

陈广元是我国当代大阿洪,现任北京东四清真寺教长、北京市伊斯兰教协会会长、中国伊斯兰教协会会长、中国伊斯兰教教务指导委员会主任、北京市伊斯兰教经学院院长、中国伊斯兰教经学院院长、北京市政协常委、全国政协常委。认识陈广元这个名字是从他编写的《伊斯兰教基本知识》     

藏族风马旗观念的起源与民俗象征

在藏族风马旗的起源研究中,一般认为它与阴阳五行思想密切相关.本文作者认为风马旗起初的观念可能与上古时代(公元前12世纪)中亚、东亚地区的英雄崇拜与祭祀地神以求福禄有关.另外,风马旗中"五兽"及其所代表的"四方"概念,除了包括阴阳五行、佛教、苯教等的信仰象征以外,它还可能代表着早期藏族氏族图腾象征,或许还寓意着藏民族形成乃至国家(如吐蕃)形成的思想.     

阿拉伯国家的中国留学生及其影响

海外华人现已遍及世界各地,人数达几千万之众.海外华人问题亦早已为海内外学者所关注和研究.但学者们多把重点放在海外华人比较集中的东南亚、欧美等地,对阿拉伯国家中华人的关注明显不足.     

西藏社会主义新农村建设的新进展——安居工程

西藏自治区政府将安居工程作为西藏社会主义新农村建设新阶段的突破口和工作重点。本文根据中国藏学研究中心课题组的实地调研资料,参考政府统计数据,介绍了安居工程的基本情况,分析了现阶段安居工程建设的成果和不足,并有针对性地提出了改进的建议。     

花垣交通“神话”

近年来,谈到花垣县经济突飞猛进的发展时,人们往往会想到花垣丰富的矿产。然而有一个同样突出的事实,那就是花垣在湘西州全州率先实现了村村通公路;花垣的通乡公路改造、农村客运站建设等等也在全州名列前茅。如今,人们喜欢谈论花垣交通的枢纽作用,对吉茶高速、张花高速更是津津乐道,这一切都在传颂着花垣交通人凭着顽强的精神,用勤劳的双手造就的一个个传奇般的"神话"。     

新闻评点

<正>公务员有好住房就不腐败了吗?记者近日从广东省建设厅对省政协委员提案的答复中获悉,关于省直机关事业单位"住房货币补贴按本人月工资总额18%的比例随工资一并发放"的意见已上报省政府.作为这份提案的提交者,广东省政协委员唐永汉对媒体解释称,"如果处理不好公务员住房问题,少数掌权的公务员很有可能铤而走险,以权谋私,从而滋生腐败问题。"(《信息时报》,11月3日)     

Citizenship, ‘rubbished’ dissidents and local restoration of the dead – the execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran

The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979–1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a ‘remote’ periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this ‘crime’ than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been ‘rubbished’ – wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues ‘rubbishing’ signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring ‘the most corrupt’ subject, the sinner who could not even be ‘rectified’ through a less destructive use of force – flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of – ‘rubbished’. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the ‘immortality’ of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of ‘the pen’, in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated ‘rifle’, to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal – objectified – political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.     

羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系考察研究

岷江上游羌族宗教信仰是多元混杂的,导致这种现象的产生,既有历史的因素,又有现实的因素.历史的因素可追溯到古羌人时代,从那里我们可寻羌族宗教信仰之渊源的一些踪迹;现实的因素可从羌族地处藏彝走廊,受汉藏文化影响的现状中去采撷一些实际的表现.本文拟就羌族原始宗教信仰中的藏文化因子,羌族天神信仰与藏族民间宗教信仰的渊源,羌族和藏族有关人类起源传说的相似与区分,羌族原始宗教信仰与佛教文化的糅合等方面对羌族宗教信仰与藏文化的关系作一较为深入的考察分析.     

从《爱药》看美国印第安人的真实生存状态

露易丝·厄德里克是美国当代最杰出的作家之一.《爱药》是她的成名之作和代表作.《爱药》叙事形式新颖,作者从印第安人的视角去讲述美国历史上发生的与印第安人相关的事件对他们生活的影响,让世人听到了后殖民时代美国印第安人的感受和心声.《爱药》真实地反映了在文化接触与转型中,美国印第安人从坚守传统、被动迷茫到民族意识觉醒、与时俱...     

丹巴百年来政治、经济及习俗演变——以章谷屯的设立与发展为例

在平定＂大小金川之乱＂后,清政府在章谷建立屯兵制度。章谷屯兵制度的设立和发展推动了炉霍屯的建立,其后,清政府又利用章谷屯与炉霍屯的合力,趁势废除了革什咱土司等。因此,清代章谷屯的设立对于丹巴地区最终设立县制具有重要意义。与章谷屯的设立与发展相伴随的是丹巴地区在宗教、经济、文化方面的融合与发展。宗教方面,墨尔多神山升格为国家神灵,同时,文昌阁、关帝庙、观音庙等汉地传统神祗传入丹巴;物产方面,玉米、土豆等传入,玉米饼、酸菜汤、老腊肉成为丹巴地区的特色食品;农业方面,章谷屯建立后,农业耕作转向精耕细作,耕作工具大为丰富和发展;建筑方面,传统的防卫型碉楼与宜居型的碉房相得益彰,形成独具特色的丹巴民居画卷。     

The EC hotspot approach in Greece: creating liminal EU territory

ABSTRACT

This article makes a theoretical argument stemming from our study of the European Commission’s hotspot approach to the management of migrant populations. It draws on empirical research findings from field research which took place on the island of Lesbos and in the city of Athens over the course of 20 months and links these to emerging critical studies of the new EU border regime. No clear definition exists of what comprises a hotspot: instead, the European Commission describes this as an integrated ‘approach’ for the enhancement of the capacity of member states to deal with crises resulting from pressures at the Union’s external borders. Effective in its ambiguity, the ‘hotspot approach’ therefore constitutes, as we argue, an integral part of the Europeanisation and institutionalisation of border management: a powerfully ambiguous dispositif in the EU’s emerging border regime. The article unpacks the notion of the hotspot from a historical perspective and explores the ways in which the hotspot contributes toward the culmination of European integration, paving the way for the flexible governance of mobility and asylum. We situate the hotspot within the historical shift of migration and mobility control from the border to the territory as a whole and conclude by arguing that the hotspot plays the role of a territorial incubator for the liminal EU territory: a paradigmatic space for a new form of governance that further disentangles territory from rights.     

赣南客家风水信仰的人类学分析

赣南是客家风水的发祥地,风水信仰在客家人的日常生活中占有极其重要的地位,在历史上赣南风水信仰更是盛极一时.风水研究学者大多从建筑学、地理学、生态学等角度对风水信仰进行解析,而从人类学角度对风水信仰进行解读的并不是太多.据笔者分析,赣南风水信仰在历史上盛极一时且直到今天仍在日常生活中占有极其重要的地位主要有以下几个方面的原因:生存环境的客观需要、祖宗崇拜的需要、儒家文化的影响、经济发展与资源争夺的需要、巫文化的影响等.对于风水信仰进行人类学解析可以使我们避免风水信仰到底是科学还是迷信的无谓论争,对于我们从局内人的观点、从文化相对论的角度对风水文化进行理解具有积极的意义.     

Contained mobility and the racialization of poverty in Europe: the Roma at the development–security nexus

ABSTRACT

This paper starts from the observation that, since the collapse of eastern European state socialism, the Roma have become the subject and target of Europe-wide development programs and discourses, while, at the same time, they have been problematized in terms of social, public and national security. Due to the ways in which development and security have ambiguously come together in Europe’s recent history, I will argue that the living conditions of the poorest among the Roma have not only worsened, but also, and more fundamentally, the divide between Europe’s rich and poor has become seriously racialized and almost unbridgeable. I explain how the bio- and geopolitical conditions under which development and security have merged in Europe’s engagement with the Roma have led to a situation in which the official aim of Roma-related development programs – the improvement of their living conditions and life chances – tends to result in a dreadlock.     

《木兰诗》应该是蒙古族古代民歌

本文从时代背景、地名、民俗、语言等四个方面考证出《木兰诗》是蒙古族古代民歌。     

Reframing craniometry: human exceptionalism and the production of racial knowledge

Focusing on the nineteenth century practice of craniometry, this paper considers how strategies of producing racial ‘knowledge’ played a key role in the development of ideas about the human. Supplementing the familiar claim that nineteenth century racial craniometry was designed to biologise longstanding aesthetic prejudices about variations in human physical appearance, the paper offers a more specific understanding of the role of this practice in biologising race. Taking up the post-Linnaean context in which a biological conception of race was elaborated, it considers how early nineteenth century debates about the unique and exceptional status of the human – classically identified with the soul or mind – centred upon the head. The practice of craniometry, it is suggested, can be understood in this context, as its centrality in the emergence of a biological conception of race is traced to an effort to demonstrate the material existence of the mind. The possibility proposed in this paper, therefore, is that particular physical differences between various peoples came to be regarded as racially significant in the nineteenth century attempt to determine the exceptional status of the human.