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1.
This paper begins by identifying how, as a result of the confluence of a number of factors, civil organizations (COs) in Mexico have shown an exponential development in the past 15 years. However, it is argued that COs are suffering a fiscal crisis and, in some sense, an economic one, provoked by the political reaction of the government toward this growth. At the same time, there is no crisis of legitimacy; their increasing levels of social support suggests a trend in the reverse direction. However, the legitimacy attributable by the population to nonprofits seems to be due to the novelty of this sociopolitical actor in the context of a disappointment with more traditional ones including government and political parties—as opposed to an endorsement of their proven capacity or efficiency in solving the problems of development. To take advantage of what seems to be a golden opportunity for its positive development, in addition to changing the unfavorable economic environment, it is argued that the sector has to face the challenge of thinking in its long-term interest and making sure that it is positioned to act as capably efficient.  相似文献   

2.
This article examines how the state has used its spending power to shape the nonprofit sector in British Columbia since the 1960s. The province's thriving nonprofit sector and its polarized political culture provide an ideal case study for exploring the relationship between the state and nongovernmental organizations. The following study documents changes in state policy, the trajectory of funding, funding patterns, and organizations that have received state funding. Although public funding for nonprofits in Canada has been pervasive for decades, there is little empirical evidence on the nature and scope of this funding. This article is based on an innovative new database that provides a comprehensive list of grants from the provincial government to nonprofit organizations between 1960 and 2014. Despite concerns regarding cuts to public funding in recent years, this study finds that there has been an overall increase in funding. However, there has also been a significant shift in funding from women's issues to Aboriginal peoples since the early 2000s.  相似文献   

3.
Civil society strengthening programs aim to foster democratic governance by supporting civil society organization (CSO) engagement in advocacy. However, critics claim that these programs foster apolitical and professional organizations that have weak political effects because they do not mobilize citizen participation. This literature focuses on how donor programs lead to low legitimacy of CSOs with citizens, limiting the means to develop agency toward the state. Here I investigate the influence of CSO legitimacy with donors and citizens on civic agency. Empirical research was conducted in Bosnia–Herzegovina on CSOs considered legitimate by donors, citizens, and both. I found that different forms of legitimacy were associated with different strategies and agency. CSOs with both forms of legitimacy, which have not received much attention until now, turned out to be of particular interest. These CSOs demonstrated agency as intermediaries between donors, government, and citizens, which enabled greater agency and broader outcomes.  相似文献   

4.
This article examines the strategies used by some third sector organizations in Australia to advocate. The purpose of this article is to identify the kinds of activities that organizations in New South Wales and Queensland use to promote advocacy, the kinds of language that is used to describe these activities, and the reasons given for the particular strategies adopted. The extent to which the organizations adopt “softer” (that is more institutional forms of advocacy) rather than more openly challenging forms of activism is examined, particularly in light of a neo-liberal political and economic environment. In this analysis emergent strategies are identified that are not easily categorized as either “institutional” or “radical” advocacy. The article presents an exploratory analysis of some of the implications of the strategies adopted, in terms of their democratic effects and potential to strengthen the capacity of third sector organizations. The article is informed by the findings of a qualitative research project involving interviews with 24 organizations in the community services and environmental fields.  相似文献   

5.
This paper employs a world society theoretical framework to examine the recent trend among foreign aid donors to focus on security sector reform as an aid priority. Through a comparative qualitative case study based on interview data collected from aid officials and development workers in Canada, Sweden, and the United States (n = 41) in 2006–2007, this paper finds that the extent to which the security sector reform agenda is integrated into donor policy and programs is mediated by catalytic policy processes linked to intergovernmental organizations and the degree of donor agency autonomy from the rest of government. These findings are used to illustrate how common processes of globalization in world society shape similar approaches to foreign aid among donor agencies despite disparate domestic contexts. These processes lead to convergence of donor policy around security issues and at the same time can account for decoupling of practice from world society policy models.  相似文献   

6.
The paper presents the main characteristics and the distinctive nature of the South Korean third sector compared to most Western countries. Differences are explained in terms of cultural embededdness and political embededdness—in particular with respect to the import of Confucianism (or neo-Confucianism) and of human rights abuse in articulation with a strong ideology of anticommunism that has been developed by a succession of dictatorial regimes since the end of the Japanese colonization of Korea. The paper concludes by highlighting positive factors for the future development of the third sector in Korea.  相似文献   

7.
The drive to welfare reform has revolutionalized the relationship between the state and the third sector in many countries. But this article argues that, if we are to understand the impact of the changing role of the state on the third sector, then we must first understand the dynamics of the relationship between national and local government. It compares two countries—the U.K. and Italy—where national-local government relations have developed in different directions, and suggests a number of avenues for further analysis of this three-way relationship.  相似文献   

8.
Coming out of a long period of collective fieldwork, this comparative sociohistorical analysis focuses on issues related to setting up neighborhood committees in the French cities of Marseille, Toulon and Nice. From the perspective of the political sociology of public action, attention is paid to changes in relations between municipal leaders and these committees. The Vaillant Act was passed in a local context where these committees had major legitimacy territorially and institutionally as well as in terms of civic leadership. However, the Act disputed this legitimacy by allowing political officials in these cities to redesign relations with “middlemen” and with civic leaders and persons involved in this “local democracy”. Local authorities exploited this possibility — sometimes upholding and sometimes objecting to the role played by political middlemen from nonprofit organizations.  相似文献   

9.
This paper examines the role of development NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) in furthering the political participation of the poor, with data from Bangladesh and Nepal. The topic is discussed from three aspects: the role of NGOs in prodemocracy movements, the issues raised by antiglobalization movements, and the extent of NGO involvement in local government elections. The paper draws on fieldwork conducted in two villages—one in Bangladesh and the other in Nepal. It is concluded that development NGOs tend to contribute more to elite interests than to the democratic political participation of the poor.  相似文献   

10.
The Structure and Resources of NGOs in Estonia   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
The paper examines the present state of voluntary associations in Estonia—their resources and fields of activity. First, the paper discusses two possible functions of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the postsocialist social change: the opening up of participation channels complementary to those of representative democracy and the support to the state in fulfilling social welfare functions. A view stressing the latter function of the voluntary sector has hitherto dominated Estonian domestic political discussion. The actual capacity of Estonian NGOs is assessed on the basis of previous research and the results of a mail survey (779 responding organizations). The resources of the respondents are smaller than expected. Resources differ greatly between urban and rural associations, and between NGOs representing different fields of activity. The paper concludes with a discussion of the empirical findings and of the need for further research.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

Women’s and gender organizations in New Zealand, like the rest of the community sector, capitalized on opportunities to engage with government as part of an inclusive turn in policymaking in the last decade. For the local women’s movement, inclusion offered the promise of strategic policy involvement at a time when the women’s movement was in “abeyance.” While governmental rhetoric emphasizes trusting and open relationships, the reality of engagement for organizations is complex, and the lasting influence they have on policy processes and outcomes is questionable. This article, based on the qualitative empirical analyses of interviews with over 30 representatives of community organizations, activists, scholars, and policymakers, identifies the opportunity structures of influence in the inclusive policy relationship. Emergent themes from the interviews showed that influence was tied to three key characteristics: fiscal autonomy, organizational legitimacy, and discursive alignment with the state’s discourses. Overall, the analysis points to new opportunities of influence created by the inclusive agenda, yet they are strained by the need to maintain ongoing collaborative relationships between the women’s sector and the state.  相似文献   

12.
Government policies in Canada have taken a hard right turn, and tax cuts now have priority over investing in social programming. Both federal and provincial governments have been withdrawing from direct service provision, with the expectation that the voluntary sector will fill the gap. At the same time, traditional government support for the voluntary sector has declined, which limits the ability of organizations to meet their current service demands. Using a sample of 645 organizations from across Canada, this article explores the use of revenue diversification as a response to policy changes. The findings indicate that the factors related to voluntary organizations' in Canada embracing revenue diversification to support program delivery differ for organizations run by women and nongendered organizations.  相似文献   

13.
The recent handover of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China (PRC) brought Hong Kong worldwide attention and scrutiny. In the run up to the handover, the international media prominently featured stories about Hong Kong's freewheeling capitalism and the stability created by its administrative institutions. Lost in the media attention was the role of nonprofit organizations and the voluntary sector in Hong Kong's political and economic development. Although Hong Kong has a vibrant civil society, it has received little attention from scholars. This paper reviews the role of the third sector in Hong Kong's development. Among the issues the paper addresses are the legal codes that govern the creation and operation of nonprofit organizations in Hong Kong, the evidence regarding the role of the nonprofit sector in Hong Kong's development, particularly its relationship to the government and market sectors, and the implications of the 1997 transition for the nonprofit sector's role.  相似文献   

14.
It is argued that final reports of contract research firms are best understood as documents embedded in a political economy rather than as objective depictions of reality. That political economy gives rise to distortions of the research process in such reports we conceptualize as ‘reconstructive legitimacy’. That concept points to a set of structural conditions which induce contractors to gloss over problems and misrepresent research events. Reconstructive legitimacy functions to convey the image of these for-profit organizations as capable of delivering a viable and useful product to their sponsors. Implications of this manifestly political and economic process for policy research and formulation are discussed.  相似文献   

15.
16.
This paper focuses on the role, functions, and activities of the nonprofit sector in Slovakia from 1993 to 1998 during a critical time in the country's development, using Salamon's classification of the sector's relationships with government as opposition, partner, or agent. Relying on personal interviews with participants and observers, the paper examines two key political events to illustrate these issues—the debate about the proposed Law on Foundations, and the 1998 Parliamentary elections.  相似文献   

17.
In this paper, the authors analyze different forms of interface between the government and third sector organizations in Québec. In order to do so, they studied relationships in eight different fields of activity: homeless youth services, housing for intellectually deficient people, support organizations for natural caregivers, community leisure centers, community housing for the elderly, daycare centers, social economy organizations for domestic assistance, and services specializing in employment for handicapped people. Following a review of international literature on the relationship between the government and the third sector, the paper analyzes these relationships on the basis of the typology developed by Jennifer M. Coston, which is adapted to the Québécois context. In the eight activity sectors studied, the authors found the presence of four different types of interface between the government and the third sector: “subcontracting,” “coexistence,” “supplementarity,” and “co-construction” relationships.
Denis BourqueEmail:
  相似文献   

18.
The marketisation of social sector organisations or social marketisation emerged and spread around the world in the past three decades. In contrast with existing literature which claims that social marketisation makes social sector organisations reduce their efforts on advocacy and thus harms a civil society, this research argues that social marketisation is positively contributed to the influence of third sector organisations on government policies, and thus it strengthens civil society, rather than erodes it. Based on the National Survey of Charities and Social Enterprises in the UK, the results of regression analyses indicate clearly that, when other factors are equal, the two indicators of social marketisation, social entrepreneurship and achieving government contracts for purchasing services, are both statistically significant in estimating the level of policy influence of third sector organisations. The contribution of this research is that it finds a positive, instead of a negative, relationship between social marketisation and the perceived policy influence of third sector organisations.  相似文献   

19.
This paper examines the role of nonprofit organizations (NPOs) in the process of family policy formulation in eight member states and three applicant states of the European Union. Drawing upon interviews with representatives from the nonprofit sector, the author argues that the experiences of NPOs in family policy-making vary considerably between countries because of the way state–nonprofit relations operate. Social origins theory illustrates why these variations exist by pointing to broad societal influences on the nonprofit sector, but new empirical evidence presented here suggests that, in a particular policy field, other factors, such as the significance of the field on policy agendas, the strength of one particular organization in a specific cultural context, party ideology, and financial viability of the NPO, shape the role of organizations in the formulation of policies  相似文献   

20.
This paper first surveys the four principal positions in the debate about the policy influence of professional experts — technocracy, extensive mandates, limited mandates, and servants of power — and finds none entirely satisfactory. While the limited mandates position is the best general characterization of the policy influence of experts, many instances reveal more extensive influence. The papers argues for shifting the discussion from general characterizations to the systematic analysis of variation in the extent and significance of professional influence. A framework for analyzing this variation is proposed. The framework highlights the importance of depoliticization, the framing of issues as narrowly technical or involving the protection of a central cultural value, political situations that encourage the informal capture of power by professional experts or the delegation of power to experts, and the differing level of legitimacy enjoyed by professional occupations, based on their centrality in social regulation.  相似文献   

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