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1.
本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据(2014)的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。  相似文献   

2.
张江华 《社会》2010,30(5):1-24
对费孝通的“差序格局”概念,已有的研究大多从个体与不同类别的其他社会成员之间关系的差异性出发来讨论。笔者以为,类似的模型几乎可以在世界任何一个文化里找到,仅从这一视角出发肯定有所偏差。事实上,费孝通认为存在两种“社群”:由团体格局所形成的“团体”和由差序格局形成的“社会圈子”。东西方社会结构的差异不在于西方只存在“团体”,东方只存在“社会圈子”,而在于这两种“社群”在社会构成上的不同。笔者由此指出,“差序格局”的实际含义是强调由“差序”所构成的社会组织在中国社会中占据主导与支配地位。中国所谓的公共领域,实际上由私人领域扩张与转化而来,或者受到私人领域的支配,这也使得中国社会的公共性供给在相当程度上依赖并取决于处于“差序格局”中心的某个个体或某一批个体的道德性  相似文献   

3.
“关系”动态过程理论框架的建构   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
曾国权 《社会》2011,31(4):96-115
既有的多立场的“关系”理论存在着一种去关系化的实体主义思维倾向,因而未能看到“关系”的关系性,从而无法有效地理解“关系”的动态过程,即关系情境和行动者不断反复进行的互动过程,因此这种理论无助于人们全面地掌握和理解“关系”和“关系”现象。本文认为,分析“关系”和“关系”现象问题还应当结合关系社会学和结构化理论的观点,在此基础上,本文尝试提出一个有关“关系”动态过程的理论架构,最后本文强调对研究方法学予以综合运用是把握这一主题的可行取向。  相似文献   

4.
郭立新 《社会》2009,29(6):148-172
本文通过对广西龙脊壮族家族和村寨组织的构成及其运作进行描述与分析,具体地呈现一个壮族地方社会的建构逻辑。文章认为,龙脊壮人的“家门”是一个依两可家系组织起来的血缘组织,以家屋为核心,且与家屋具有同构性;“寨”则是一个血缘与地缘合二为一,以寨老为联系中心的人群共同体。“家门”与“寨”以劳动合作和互助以及仪礼交换为基础进行建构;他们充当着家屋之间社群联结及友情的蓄水池,承载并具体实践着龙脊壮人与自己人一起劳动、一起吃住,跟自己人结婚的理想。  相似文献   

5.
蔡长昆 《社会》2012,32(6):182-203
本文以新制度主义框架为基础,以湖北省E市一个装修散工群体为个案,探讨农民工社会网络建构、维持和变迁的机制。结果表明,社会结构限制了社会网络的建构,但当经济机会结构改变之后,个人会理性地、有选择地复制传统社会结构以再造社会网络。同时,传统制度结构也会“同构”再造的社会网络,这也是社会网络得以维持,进而得以稳定化和制度化的机制。所以,在社会网络变迁中,“理性”在社会网络建构中扮演重要的角色,“结构”则在社会网络的维持中扮演重要角色。总之,社会网络变迁中的社会结构和经济关系是“共建”的,“差异化复制”和“制度化同构”是“共建”的两个重要机制。  相似文献   

6.
张陈健 《社会》2010,30(5):25-44
本文对企业行动者之间的权力关系、策略互动及其所嵌入的社会网络与制度环境提供了一个解释框架。文章运用组织决策学派的“权力”概念,对国有资产重组下的国有资产经营公司与民企联盟的结盟进行了分析。在 “嵌入性”概念的基础上,作者认为,作为结盟前提的权力嵌入于社会网络之中,并且嵌入于中国市场化改革与政体连续性的制度背景之中,因此给权力关系与结盟带来了不确定性。文章试图把“权力”带回企业结盟分析的中心,在理论上对格兰诺维特的社会网络嵌入与倪志伟的制度嵌入进行综合,提出应洞察行动者所嵌入的社会网络以及更为广泛的制度因素对企业行动者的影响。  相似文献   

7.
萧易忻 《社会》2016,36(2):191-214
本文旨在解释中国抑郁症病患比例在国际上偏低的原因。通过整理社会理论,本文提出了一个“抑郁症产生”的社会学分析框架,此框架是以“全球/国际”“国家/国内”两层次以及“社会结构”“社会建构”两方面为矩阵所组成的思考框架。具体而言,新自由主义全球化同时造成中国在“社会结构”与“社会建构”上的改变。中国在“社会结构”上已具备生成抑郁症的基础,但“社会建构”的条件尚有不足或被隐藏。然而,“社会建构”较“社会结构”在产生抑郁症上更为关键,一旦“社会建构”的条件更充分,中国抑郁症病患的比例预计将会增加。  相似文献   

8.
黄荣贵 《社会》2017,37(2):26-50
基于“网络与文化”和关系社会学的理论,本文指出网络场域与所沟通的文化内容之间存在互构关系。本文使用话题模型分析了关注劳工议题的用户所发布的51 288条博文,结果显示,劳工话题大致涉及以下几方面:文化与公益、工人的困境与问题、维权行动与工人组织、制度与劳工权。对用户间互动模式的社群侦测揭示了5个主要社群,结合社群关注的议题,作者将其称为:工人家园社群、工人维权社群、工人文化社群、劳工制度关注社群、工人权益关注社群。本文进一步指出劳工研究领域的两个新趋势:(1)随着新生代工人群体的壮大,工人文化与城市融入等议题受到较多关注;(2)微博促进研究者与劳工组织的互动,在一定程度上有助于后者从制度层面反思工人的境况。最后,本文讨论了大数据分析在网络文化与社会心态研究中的应用。  相似文献   

9.
李路路  陈建伟  秦广强 《社会》2012,32(5):25-46
本文系统梳理了当代社会学研究中的阶级分析文献,揭示了阶级分析视角的核心和多元化的分析范式。阶级分析视角的核心是基于社会关系定义的结构性位置,是关于社会不平等及相关社会现象系统化的结构性解释。多元化的分析范式主要包括:(1)研究对象上的宏观层次(解释大规模社会变迁和转型事件)与微观层次(解释阶级对个人态度、行为和生活机会的影响);(2)分析思路上的 “结构-意识-行动”(将阶级作为“集体行动者”)与“结构-状况-选择”(将阶级作为“生活条件综合信号”);(3)解释逻辑上的“剥削和利益形成逻辑”、“状况逻辑或理性行动逻辑”和“结构化(或同质性)逻辑”。  相似文献   

10.
王洪伟 《社会》2010,30(2):215-234
通过对鄂豫两省艾滋疫情高发区“艾滋村民”抗争的考察,笔者提出了当代中国底层社会抗争的两种社会学逻辑:求助于外的“合法抗争”和求助于内的“以身抗争”,一起形成了当代中国底层社会抗争的具有解释力、却又不同逻辑的社会学分析框架。本文考察了“以身抗争”模式的形成机理和运转规则,发现中国底层农民抗争的“非政治性”、“弱组织性”和“具体利益性”取向,“有组织”的政治抗争乃至革命性转化是不太可能的。  相似文献   

11.
黄晓星 《社会》2013,33(4):147-175
在转型的社区情境中,国家基层政府的行为是策略性的,社区居民亦陷入了权变的回应过程。文章聚焦于20世纪80年代以来政府行为的不同阶段,从中观的社区形态考察基层政府的不同策略和社区过程。政府干预、释出和旁观调控三种不同类型的行为反映了政府对于社区的态度,社区层次和事件性质是基层政府策略行为的关键自变量。文章运用拓展性个案研究方法,分析了国家在社区的基层策略,以及转型期社区的生成和发展,基层政府行为与社区回应的不同逻辑是社区治理困境的重要根源。  相似文献   

12.
The social environment influences health outcomes for older adults and could be an important target for interventions to reduce costly medical care. We sought to understand which elements of the social environment distinguish communities that achieve lower health care utilization and costs from communities that experience higher health care utilization and costs for older adults with complex needs. We used a sequential explanatory mixed methods approach. We classified community performance based on three outcomes: rate of hospitalizations for ambulatory care sensitive conditions, all-cause risk-standardized hospital readmission rates, and Medicare spending per beneficiary. We conducted in-depth interviews with key informants (N = 245) from organizations providing health or social services. Higher performing communities were distinguished by several aspects of social environment, and these features were lacking in lower performing communities: 1) strong informal support networks; 2) partnerships between faith-based organizations and health care and social service organizations; and 3) grassroots organizing and advocacy efforts. Higher performing communities share similar social environmental features that complement the work of health care and social service organizations. Many of the supportive features and programs identified in the higher performing communities were developed locally and with limited governmental funding, providing opportunities for improvement.  相似文献   

13.
The rise of right‐wing populist parties in the Nordic countries is slowly redefining the Nordic social democratic discourse of the universal and egalitarian welfare state. The nexus of nationalism and social policy has been explored in regions and countries such as Quebec, Scotland, Belgium and the UK, but the change of discourse in the Nordic countries has received less attention. Taking the case of Sweden and Finland, this article argues that Nordic populism does not question the redistributive welfare state per se as many other European neo‐liberal far‐right parties have done. Instead, it reframes the welfare state as being linked to a sovereign and exclusive Swedish and Finnish political community with distinct national boundaries. Although Sweden and Finland largely share a common welfare nation state discourse, the article also points to important differences in the way this discourse is able to frame the welfare nation state where access to, and the design of, social services are no longer universal and egalitarian but based around ethnicity. The article aims to demonstrate this through an analysis of the welfare discourses of two populist parties: Sweden Democrats and True Finns.  相似文献   

14.
《Social Sciences in China》2012,33(4):173-192
Since the rise of the Internet in China, China’s local governments have actively used Internet technology to facilitate public administration and public services. What impact, then, have different types of social media had on local governance? This paper, based on years of investigation of J Town and L Sub-district in Shanghai (2012-2018), finds that Internet technology has profoundly transformed the grassroots power structure. Before the rise of the Internet, the grassroots power structure included local government, activists and the masses; in the age of Weibo and home owners forums, grassroots opinion leaders rose, becoming an impressive social force that local government could not afford to ignore; in the age of WeChat, however, the influence of grassroots opinion leaders declined, as local government can interact directly with the masses through WeChat public accounts and WeChat group chats, with the network technology becoming a tool for micromanagement. These three stages correspond to three types of government characterized by limited mobilization, consultation, and user-friendliness, respectively.  相似文献   

15.
如果我们将在线活动与生活方式纳入到嵌入在线活动后的社会整体系统之中来剖析,则这一互动问题可分化为:作为一般社会行动的日常活动与日常生活方式的互动;作为特殊社会行动的在线活动与网络生活方式的互动。在线活动的新质特征使其具有要求生活方式转型的推动力;反之,生活方式作为在线活动的社会保障系统、目标导向系统和动力资源系统对其也具有巨大的反作用。这样,上述两对互动体经过无数次的分化与整合,最终使得原有的社会行动体系与生活方式体系重构成为“新质的社会行动”和“后现代”社会的生活方式,从而宣告工业社会的终结,信息社会的到来。其中,在线活动对网民生活方式的作用过程既包括其网络生活方式的形成过程,也包括其日常生活方式的转型过程。  相似文献   

16.
Virtual communities of practice are an international phenomenon in social work around the world. However, they are rare in social work in the United States. This article describes an online community, the Social Group Work Commons, designed to complement courses in social group work. Using Web 2.0 Internet tools, such as blogs, discussion boards, and chats, the developers employed group work skills to help students establish a vehicle for mutual support as students struggled to integrate course content in their field placements. Examples from course blogs indicate students became increasingly intimate in their online exchanges over time and readily provided each other support in applying course content in their practice.  相似文献   

17.
This paper—inspired by the experience of grassroots social work in Naples begun by M. Borrelli in the 1950s—emphasizes that “consciousness‐raising” and “community development” can be useful processes to stimulate responsible social participation on the part of the most marginal individuals and groups. To overcome a bureaucratic and pietistic model of the welfare state which serves in the long run to increase their dependence and socio‐cultural subordination, there is a need for alternative social policies, capable of improving people's empowerment and social citizenship. Giving more resources and decision‐making power to the most marginal could amount to changing an unfair and oppressive society from the roots up. This goal remains a moral imperative for both professional and voluntary social workers who believe in a fair, non‐violent and ecological model of development. Unfortunately, in Italy as elsewhere, neo‐liberal reforms of welfare states are tending in the opposite direction, partly as a result of out‐of‐date functionalist theories and by means of a worrying process of welfare marketization and globalization that actually increases the exclusion and marginality of the lower classes. This paper takes issue with current neo‐liberal trends by returning to a territory‐based and resident‐focused image of social work. This way, non‐profit agencies can play a more active and stimulating role in support of communitarian networks and help avoid the risk of the Third Sector's alternative spur being compromised by the otherwise “commodification” of welfare. Only in this way might one stop the transformation of non‐profit organizations into mere private providers for a buyer/controller state, more business‐minded than really concerned with freeing the poor and the marginal “underclass” from subordination and exclusion.  相似文献   

18.
田先红 《社会》2012,32(4):164-193
本文以桥镇为个案,运用国家、基层政权和农民博弈关系的三层分析框架,阐释了乡村基层信访治理中“包保责任制”的实践逻辑和现实困境。研究发现,尽管“包保责任制”能够强化包保责任人的责任意识,并在一定程度上缓解信访治理工作难题,但监控环境与空间隔离、监控技术与社会基础、监控强度与道义压力这三大矛盾使得这一制度的运行陷入困境,滋生了越来越多与制度设计初衷相悖的“目标替代”行为。在此基础上,本文阐释了中国科层制运作的三大矛盾,即理性科层制与非理性运作的矛盾、专业化与综合性的矛盾、常规运作与非常规任务的矛盾,并给出了相应的理论解释。本研究强调,在中国基层权力运作中,长期而广泛存在的名实分离的矛盾现象,不仅仅是科层体制内部各行动主体博弈的结果,也不纯粹是一个组织激励问题,而是由科层体制与乡村社会的合力所催生。由此,在推进基层政权现代化建设进程中,就不能局限于制度建设层面,还要考虑是否具备支撑现代基层政权的社会基础和制度环境。  相似文献   

19.
Death anxiety is not only experienced by individuals receiving end-of-life care, but also by family members, social workers, and other service providers who support these individuals. Thus, identifying predictors of individual differences in experienced death anxiety levels may have both theoretical and clinical ramifications. The present study assessed the relative influence of religiosity, susceptibility to mortality cues, state and trait anxiety, and demographic factors in the experience of death anxiety through an online survey distributed to members of two online communities related to end-of-life care. Results indicated that cognitive and emotional susceptibility to mortality cues, as well as gender, predicted differences in death anxiety. Conversely, religiosity and age did not increase the predictive power of the model. Thus, death anxiety may be a function of emotional, cognitive, and sociocultural factors that interact in complex, but predictable, ways to modulate the response to mortality cues that occur in one’s life.  相似文献   

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