生命政治论的女性主义解读——以权力的三重向度为视角

以福柯、奈格里等为代表的生命政治论有暗藏的性别意蕴,体现在权力的三重向度中：资本向度、生产向度和劳动向度。资本向度是生命政治论与女性主义的接合点,它指认了资本即权力,资本对劳动的支配必须以性别的权力支配关系为前提;权力对身体和人口的掌控使性别分工得以固化,自由主义的治理术则将性别不平等隐藏在商品的等价交换之中;生产向度是巴特勒等女性主义者对生命政治论的进一步发展,它揭示了性别不是自然物,而是权力生产的效应,其生产机制是操演性的,使性别在权力的自我颠覆中被重复建构;劳动向度是女性主义对生命政治论的当代解读,它分析了生命权力与晚期资本主义劳动女性化之间的关联,揭示了情感劳动使生产与再生产同一化为生命政治生产的现状。权力的三重向度内在统一,共同彰显了生命政治论隐藏的性别逻辑。     

剪发与革命:苏区革命妇女的身体政治史研究——以妇女独立团剃光头为例

近代中国妇女投身革命的过程,可以理解为妇女身体政治化的过程.妇女的革命与妇女自身的解放、民族的解放交织在一起,使得原本属于个体的身体被不断建构和社会化.革命妇女剪发乃至剃光头,表明妇女解放与国家政治之间存在一种互相认同或紧张的微妙关系.在战争年代,妇女的身体与革命之间具有某种张力,一方面革命将妇女的身体带入更为宏大的社会场域;另一方面革命可能自觉或不自觉地消解了妇女的性别意识,让妇女在参与革命的过程中忽略或暂时放弃了自身的性别身份.     

反思与重构——对中国劳动性别分工研究的回顾

本文从国家性质对于劳动性别分工的意义、具有符号象征意义的家庭劳动分工与社会劳动分工的互动以及工业化过程中劳动性别分工变化的多种形态三个方面入手，对中国近20年来的妇女劳动或劳动性别分工研究进行了反思性的考察。在强调用劳动的性别分工代替原有的单纯对妇女劳动的研究，以及发展本土化的劳动性别研究的基础上，力图在中国特定的文化、经济和政治背景下找出一种适合自身的方法论。     

"Revolution" and "Counter-Revolution": Interaction among the Three Major Political Parties in China in the 1920s

国民党的"国民革命"、共产党的"阶级革命"与青年党的"全民革命"在1920年代同时并起,革命由过去的一党独导发展为多党竞举的局面,三党对革命的积极认证和遐想式期待,将革命建构成为一种与自由、解放相关联的强势政治文化。政治改革道路的不同选择不再被定义为"革命"与"改良"之争,或激进与温和之别,而是被建构为"革命"与"反革命"的两极对立,水火不容。三党对"革命"的竞相诠释,使得革命话语在日趋神圣化与正义化的同时,又意含着浓烈的任意性和专断性成分。     

社会转型期妇女社会地位的边缘化

直接或间接导致我国社会转型期妇女社会地位边缘化的原因主要有客观建构与主观认同两个方面,即劳动的性别分工、社会性别分层与科层制社会结构、性别权力关系市场化、法律政策规定的性别视角缺乏以及女性对社会性别文化的认同、女性价值观形成与自我期待等等。扭转妇女社会地位边缘化的对策是:完善市场经济,调整家庭分工,提高妇女科学文化素质,构建社会性别文化的新形态和新话语。     

中国男女平权理论实践发展的曲折轨迹

女权主义不仅是今天,从近代维新变法前后已然是个热门话题。从戊戌开始,关系国本的女性主义理论与运动处于萌动时期;而民国政治之曲折在妇女问题上也有反映,通过历史的回顾,我们认识到真正的女权主义之主旨在于妇女自身之独立而非国家或家庭之附属。我们也看到了新中国成立前后中国共产党的妇女政策之影响因素及其激进轨迹所带来的一些现实后果,这正是值得现时代的女权主义研究者深刻追思的历史踪迹。     

陕甘边革命根据地的农村社会建设

农民和农村在近代中国革命中的作用十分突出。陕甘边革命根据地建立后,把马克思主义基本理论与西北地区实际相结合,以依靠农民群众、为群众谋利益、坚持公平正义为核心理念,颁布了土地革命、设立集市、发行货币、解放妇女、创办列宁小学等一系列政策,改造了根据地农村落后的社会体制和各种陋习,使根据地农民坚定拥护党的领导,生产热情高涨,踊跃参军支援革命。为当前实施乡村振兴战略、推进农村现代化提供了有益借鉴。     

性别关系建构的科技职场

该文从科学是一种性别化的社会关系的理论前提出发,以新竹科学园区的科技产业的社会分工状况为研究背景,根据数据资料、参与观察以及深入访谈相结合的研究方法,讨论性别关系如何在科技职场展现、建构。同时,指出科技如何透过劳动过程的控制并再次建构性别关系:科技专家和科技官僚如何将社会性别关系透过工作场所的机械化和科技化的设计,配合组织管理政策,建构科技性别化的工作关系。而复制的性别化的工作关系,进一步强化社会性别关系。     

刍议抗日战争时期毛泽东群众利益观的历史意义及启示

抗日战争时期是毛泽东思想不断成熟与完善时期,随着毛泽东思想的不断完善,毛泽东的群众利益观也在不断深化,走向成熟。以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人,在领导抗日战争的过程中,把马克思主义人民群众观的普遍原理与中国革命的具体实践相结合,不断总结经验,提出了一系列群众理论和政策,使毛泽东群众利益观的理论内容更加丰富。抗日战争时期毛泽东的群众利益观对于今天进行中国特色社会主义建设、构建和谐社会、全面建成小康社会有着重要的启示,是中国共产党群众利益观宝贵的理论资源与实践财富。     

把党群关系提高到一个历史的新高度

建设有中国特色社会主义是前所未有的伟大事业，需要亿万人民群众同心同德地进行伟大的探索。能否充分调动、发挥广大人民群众的积极性和创造性，保持广大农村地区的经济社会稳定和发展，关系到跨世纪宏伟蓝图能否实现。为此，党的十五届三中全会通过的《中共中央关于农业和农村工作若干重大问题的决定》（以下简称《决定》提出，要坚持党的农村基本政策不动摇，稳定党的农村政策；要坚持和发扬党的群众路线，密切党群关系，从而把党群关系问题提到了一个历史的新高度。本文试就此谈点学习体会。一、《决定》把党群关系问题提到事关党的生死…     

性别排挤与农村女性土地承包权益的救济

基于男尊女卑的性别歧视与社会排挤,农村女性的土地承包权益往往遭到剥夺与侵害.这不仅严重影响了男女平等原则的实施进程,而且严重制约了女性的生存权和发展权的充分实现.探究女性土地承包权益弱化的现状、后果及原因,有助于摸索、建构救济女性土地承包权益的宏观路径与制度模式,进而为维护女性土地承包权益提供程序法、实体法和伦理观的救济基础.     

执政党对私营企业的统合策略及其效应分析:基于中国私营企业调查数据的实证研究

自改革开放以来,中国社会呈现政党国家与社会渐次分离的状况,集中体现在执政党权力范围的收缩和以私营企业为代表的社会新兴力量的成长与集聚。首先,本文通过理论阐述和案例分析发现,执政党与私营企业之间并非单向的吸纳与嵌入,更多表现为一种相互融入的共生关系。其次,基于对第九次全国私营企业家调查数据的分析进一步发现,在所辖企业中设立了党组织且自身具有党员身份的私营企业主对于执政党相关政策的认可度更高,同时也更加偏好生产性活动和长期导向活动的投入。结论表明,中国共产党通过自下而上的政治吸纳型和自上而下的组织嵌入型统合这两种分散政治压力的有效途径,在一定程度上实现了对私营企业的分类控制,在巩固执政合法性的同时,成功引导私营企业承担社会功能。     

Through the gender lens: a comparison of family policy in Sweden and China

In this study, Sweden and China's family policies, with a specific focus on their effect on gender equality, are compared. We describe the different goals and objectives of parental/maternity leave and childcare policies. The effect of family policies on gender equality, indicated by equal employment opportunities for women and the gender division of labour in the family in the two countries, is also discussed. A systematic comparison revealed that both countries included the promotion of gender equality in their policy agendas, but they varied in design and implementation. Swedish family policies assume childcare is a public concern, and women's participation in the labour market and men's involvement in childcare are considered to be crucial to achieving gender equality. In contrast, China's family policies emphasize women's participation in the labour market, but overlook the gender division of household work and childcare at home.     

Economic reform of China: Cause and effects

Despite the early success in mobilizing the people after seizing power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) soon faced difficult bottlenecks. After the disastrous Great Leap Forward, compounded by the Three Bitter Years of natural calamities, reformists instituted a series of changes moving towards more market oriented rewards. This was short lived as Mao Zedong mobilized the Little Reds Guards to launch the Cultural Revolution and regain power. China's economy stagnated till the death of Mao. When Deng Dehuai reemerged as the leader, he reinstituted the reforms he had initiated a decade and a half ago. There is, however, a difference. The first time was a tacit move, but the Comprehensive Economic Reform (CER) started in 1978 represented a change in paradigm and a shift in ideology. True to the historical and cultural traits of China, the early stages of the reform were experimental, limited, and somewhat timid. It started in the rural agricultural production with the Household Responsibility System. With its success, the reform was extended to urban industrial sectors, but the Tianmen student demonstration in 1989 brought the momentum to a halt. It was not until Deng's Southern Tour in 1992 did the CER formally become the fundamental directive that “cannot be altered for a hundred years”. The CER is true to its name, comprehensive. The reform encompassed many aspects, with few exceptions (e.g., the insistence of the CCP one-party rule). We discuss the reform actions in four facets: property rights, factor income, macro controls, and global integration. China's economic success is evident, as it has sustained an average of more than 8% growth for more than three decades, but what is the prognosis for the future? Bumpy, but promising.     

中共早期地方领袖、组织形态与乡村社会：以曾天宇及其领导的江西万安暴动为中

中共在建党初期就移植了俄共（布）的民主集中制作为自身的组织制度。这一制度在中国革命的实践中经历了艰难的调适过程。１９２７ 年大革命失败后,中共准备在乡村组织暴动时,组织原则和组织能力就面临着严峻的挑战。组织江西万安暴动的领袖曾天宇,代表了中共早期地方领袖的一种类型,其领导的万安暴动所暴露出的党内组织矛盾也具有一定的典型性。本文将中共党史、社会史以及民国政治史结合在一起,综合运用文件档案、组织史资料、忆述材料、地方史志、报刊等诸多史料,通过对曾天宇的生活史与精神气质的勾勒以及对万安暴动背景与过程的考察,揭示出中共早期组织形态中存在的三重张力：职位关系与个人因素之间的张力;组织纪律的有效性与地方领袖的自主性之间的张力;革命组织与传统资源及地方利益之间的张力。这些张力为同时期的一系列中共党内组织事件提供了解读的逻辑。     

Effects of sharing the parental leave on pensioners’ poverty and gender inequality in old age: A simulation in IFSIM

Female old age poverty is affected by family policy reforms which are meant to promote gender equality when young. Using our in house agent based simulation model IFSIM we show that sharing equally the parental leave can increase or reduce poverty among elderly women depending on the macro and behavioural (i.e. labour supply) responses that the reform off-sets. In general, the reform can be good for highly educated women, who will have an incentive to work more full time thanks to their higher earnings, which can compensate any loss in household income due to the man's staying home. For lower educated however, work might not pay as much and a reduction in labour supply might actually ensue (e.g. to reduce childcare costs). This will reduce also their pension rights at retirement. Furthermore, keeping men at home might slow down economic growth, and consequently growth of income pension accounts will be lower. This effect, combined with lower pension contributions (due to reduced labour supply), might result in higher poverty rates for women with lower education, compared to a scenario where the woman takes the whole leave. Other policies, such as more subsidised child care, might be an alternative worth considering to reduce female poverty in old age more evenly across educational levels.     

Gender Equality Revisited – Changes in Nordic Childcare Policies in the 2000s

The Nordic childcare policy model is often reviewed and even recommended internationally for its contribution to gender equality, high female labour force participation and, perhaps more indirectly, to a high fertility rate. Nordic childcare services and parental leave schemes have thus been portrayed in the literature as policies which have managed to facilitate a work–family model of dual earners and dual carers. However, the recent introduction of cash‐for‐care schemes seems to go against the Nordic dual earner/dual carer model and ideals of gender equality, in supporting parental (maternal) care of the child in the home. At the same time, new upcoming trends of political fatherhood and the perspective of lifelong learning for the child are also changing the Nordic childcare model. This article provides an analysis of how new childcare policy goals have been articulated into policies from the late 1990s to the late 2000s and how these may challenge the traditional goals of the Nordic welfare states.     

“读活的书”与“算死的账”:论共产党土地革命中的“算账派”

1933年中国共产党领导的查田运动第一次将量化阶级标准推行到土地革命的实践中,后又沿用至1946年以后解放区土改和1949年以后全国性的土改实践之中。以往学界对土地革命的研究,更多侧重于社会动员论视角下的地方史解读,而对量化阶级标准缺少足够的关注。重点关注前者的学者,往往又集中于单纯的政策讨论层面因而很容易陷入意识形态之争。本文主要关注后者并试图以推行量化阶级标准的重要历史担纲者王观澜为考察对象,综合运用多种史料,通过对其成长背景、教育经历以及革命历程的详细梳理,呈现其特有的精神气质,并以此为基础去勾勒其在土地革命中的“算阶级”的实践轨迹。同时通过再现置身于土改运动中的共产党“技术干部”对待理论问题的“实用主义”的思想倾向,考察蕴含在共产党政权具体的土改实践脉络中的一系列内在局限,并尝试去揭示这些局限的历史根源。     

Attitudes towards childcare policies,policy feedback and path dependency: Czech Republic contrasted to Norway

This article explores the recent changes in mothers’ employment, childcare policies and attitudes towards gender equality in the labour market, in the Czech Republic and Norway, how these factors interact and what impact they have on the provision of childcare. Analysis suggests that there is convergence of the Czech Republic with Norway in terms of female employment, but divergence in childcare policies. The policy feedback – the mutual interrelatedness of attitudes towards mothers’ employment and childcare policies – has shaped refamilialising policies in the Czech Republic, whereas in Norway policies that support gender equality in work and family have emerged.     

Work/Family Policies,The Changing Role of Fathers and The Presumption of Shared Responsibility for Parenting

Recent approaches to work/family policies which emphasise options for women have the potential to reinforce gender divisions of labour and to increase conflicts between paid work and family. It is argued here that more account needs to be taken of the interaction between male and female commitments to work and family, and of the possible increased involvement by men in family life. The movement away from the traditional role as the autocratic head of the household towards a more nurturant and available father role, while still small, appears to be gathering momentum. This is reflected in recent research findings, in newspaper articles and other media reports, and in proposals for changes in employment policies (e.g., the ACTU “family leave” test case). While research and everyday accounts provide some hope for future changes in gender divisions of labour, more caution needs to be taken in interpreting research findings and in making statements about the extent to which change has already occurred. A radical new direction in approaches to policy development is needed if the existing status quo of father as the major breadwinner and more distant family member, and mother as the housewife, nurturer and supplementary income earner, is to be altered. Suggestions are made for the development of policies that would both respond to the needs of fathers who are primary caregivers, and help promote a greater sharing of parenting responsibilities by fathers. The basis of these proposals is an argument for the adoption of a presumption of shared parenting to parallel the current presumption of gender equality in the paid workforce.