中国网民的政治价值观与网络抗争行为的限度

中国的市场化转型带来了政治价值观的变化,进而重塑着个体的政治参与行为,其中包括网络抗争行为。由于种种限制,互联网并不必然带来网络抗争,个人的政治价值观是重要的影响因素。基于全国性的概率抽样调查数据,本文首先构造了个人的政治价值观倾向得分,然后用广义倾向值匹配估算了政治价值观对批评政府官员或政策和讨论集体行动这两种网络抗争行为的响应函数和干预效应。结果显示,越趋向自由民主价值观,个人拥有这两种网络抗争经历的概率越高,且呈现强化趋势。但是,这种作用具有阈值效应,即自由民主价值观达到较高水平后,更高的自由民主价值观带来的网络抗争行为的发生概率反而更低。因此,除了来自政府和体制的外在限制,网络抗争还存在着内生于行动者本身的限制。本文通过实证研究证实了政治价值观对网络抗争行为产生的内在限制。     

中国网民的意识形态立场及其形成——一个实证的分析

本文以4 000多份网民的调查问卷数据为依据,对中国公众的“左”“右”意识形态立场的现状、特征及其起源进行了分析。研究发现,中国“左”“右”派网民与西方国家的“左”“右”派在基础性政治心理特性上恰好相反,中国的“左派”相对于右派而言,具有更为显著的威权人格特征,也更倾向于维护现有社会秩序和传统价值,在对外态度上更为强硬和排外。右派比“左派”更关注社会公平、限制公权力和赞同后现代价值。从信息接触和政治心理两个理论视角进行分析后发现,媒体影响和威权人格对网民意识形态立场的形成均有明显影响。笔者认为,在新媒体时代,随着信息源日益多元,相对于外在的信息而言,个体内在的威权人格对个人意识形态立场形成的影响可能会更强。     

如何测量社会资本:一个经验研究综述

本文根据对国内外有关社会资本的经验研究的综述,对社会资本的层次及相应的测量方法进行了总结。社会资本的层次可分为“个体微观”和“集体/宏观”两种。在测量个体社会资本时,研究者多使用社会网络分析法,对个人网络中蕴涵的资源进行测量。而在测量集体社会资本时,研究者的重点主要集中于信任、社会参与、社会联结和规范这几个方面。     

社会资本培育的经济学与社会学分析

社会资本作为资本的形态之一具有生产性和增值性,而社会资本的本质内涵是社会信任,社会信任产生的心理基础则是个体对其他社会成员道德行为或善行的预期,道德品行、社会信任与社会资本具有天然的内在联系。本文采用经济学和社会学相结合的研究方法,首先从理论上探讨社会资本与道德品行之间的关系,然后将社会资本与社会信任联系起来,说明以道德品行和社会信任为基础的社会资本具有生产力;最后从个体、企业和政府等不同层次的主体入手,探讨社会资本的培育如何从微观领域扩展到宏观领域。     

民营企业家政治参与的效度分析——基于政策网络视角的研究

民营企业家政治参与的效度,就是其在政治参与过程中对政府公共政策影响的有效性程度。内容效度、方式效度和结构效度构成民营企业家政治参与效度的主要内容。传统的对政治参与问题的研究,存在着宏观的制度研究和微观的行为研究两条路径。政策网络分析作为中观视角,开辟了政治参与问题研究的新路径。从政策网络视角研究民营企业家政治参与的效度问题,政策网络的集成程度是决定其效度的核心因素。网络学习机制是提升政策网络集成程度,进而提高民营企业家政治参与效度的内在机制。网络学习是行为学习、价值学习和规范学习的统一。网络学习是一个由顺应到认同、再到内化的过程。随着网络学习的深化,民营企业家政治参与的效度也不断提高。     

代际网络与学业成就：网络情境与个体能动的双重视角

本文使用2014—2015学年中国教育追踪调查（CEPS）数据,以中国为例考察了代际网络对子女学业成就的影响。本文通过将代际网络效应置于个体能动与网络情境的双重视角之下,检验了个体能动与网络情境的解释进路及间接机制,分析了个体能动效应基于网络情境的条件效应,进而揭示了两种解释路径之间的内在关联。研究发现：第一,代际网络宏观及微观效应在中国均存在。父母认识其他家长和网络情境特征均能提高子女的学业成就。第二,随着宏观代际网络资源的增加,由个体能动效应带来的学业成就回报逐渐增强。影响增强的网络资源因素主要来源于网络规范与关系人阶层地位。第三,宏微观代际网络的间接机制得到了进一步的检验。宏微观代际网络在一定程度上通过影响家庭和同伴社会资本、学业态度和行为进而影响子女的学业产出。     

城镇居民普遍信任的区域间及区域内差异分析——基于“资源因素论”视角

本研究采用CGSS2003数据分析普遍信任的区域间及区域内的差异,发现中国城镇居民的普遍信任程度从高到低排序依次为东部、中部和西部。该发现从“资源因素论”的视角验证了普遍信任的程度差异与地区层面的宏观公共资源的相关性,微观层面的资源（包括个人拥有的资源和个人借用的资源）对地区内城镇居民的普遍信任有正向影响,这一影响会因宏观层面资源的不同而发生变化。     

空间与治理:城市政治研究的新进展

城市作为政治现象产生发展的重要场域,日益为学术界所重视。本文从"空间"与"治理"视角对城市政治研究进行了总结回顾。结合个体、社区、城市三个不同层次的研究主体,本文总结评述了市民政治参与、政治效能感、社区发展非均等化、社会资本、城市中的"邻避"现象与城市政体理论等议题。当下,中国的城市化进程加速,城市发展面临着一系列问题。本文指出中国的城市政治研究应该在借鉴西方经验的同时,结合中国城市特点,发展出切合中国国情的城市政治议题。     

网络接触中的被害性问题初议

综观我国目前已有的被害者研究成果 ,我们可以发现学者们的研究主要集中在微观被害机制上 ,如个体被害人格、被害心理、被害行为等。对个体被害性的研究在个案的经验层次上是可信的 ,因而有其充分的价值。但这种理论不能解释当代社会被害人群、被害机会及被害倾向的扩大趋势 ,也不能说明制约加害与被害互动关系的社会性因素及现代化过程中的社会关系变化对被害机制的影响。纵观刑事法学的发展轨迹 ,我们发现经由犯罪人类学派和社会学派所阐述的一个深入人心的理念是 :社会应对犯罪负责 ,与此相对应我们也完全有理由相信 :社会应对被害者负责…     

大学生群体舆情与思想政治教育传播策略分析

舆情研究与思想政治教育研究虽然分属不同的研究领域,但就形成社会认同的政治态度和思想行为而言,舆情研究为了解社会成员思想状况进而有效地进行思想政治教育奠定了基础。研究大学生群体舆情的发生及传播特点,能有效地将思想政治教育的宏观视角与微观视角结合起来,根据党和国家的路线、方针、政策等意识形态要求以及倾向性思潮来从整体上开展思想政治教育并根据微观对象的情绪、言行来有针对性地开展的思想政治工作,从而形成思想政治教育全方位、立体化格局。     

Disobedience and support for democracy: Evidences from the World Values Survey

For some time, social movement research and political science have studied protests and activists. However, little empirical research attempts to relate movements to the type of social change they endeavour to achieve. In this paper, we suggest that different psychosocial processes may distinguish between different types of movement and protest. In particular, we cross lines between classical social psychology studies on the individual–authority relationship and studies on protest and social movements. We focus attention on the psychological processes triggered in obedience/disobedience. Our results show that when disobedience is associated with attitudes of inclusiveness, it is also positively linked to prodemocratic individual attitudes and to the enhancement of democracy at institutional levels.     

Does information matter? A research note on information technologies and political protest

The lack of attention paid to information technologies in predicting variations of political protest in cross-national studies is surprising. Given the amount of research that has been done on the impact of communication on behavior and the spread of information technologies across the globe, there is reason to believe that information technologies do play a part in the political process at the “street” level. This note takes a look at the independent role of information technologies, both mass information technologies and personal information technologies, on political protests, in addition to variables purported to measure individual and national well-being. Political protests in this study consists of demonstrations, strikes, and riots which took place in 86 countries between 1970 and 1977. Each type of collective behavior is treated separately in OLS regression.     

What drives unconventional political participation? A two level study

There is little evidence on the factors that drive peaceful unconventional political participation. This study evaluates the impact of seven individual level constituents – age, income, education, gender, satisfaction with the government, engagement in civil society organizations and voting – as well as five macro-level factors – economic development, democratic experience, income inequalities, a country's regime type and federalism – on citizens’ participation in boycotts, demonstrations and petition signing activities. Participation in all three protest activities hinges on education, voting, participation in civil society organizations, and lack of satisfaction with the government. Moreover, the influence of some macro-factors, such as democratic experience and economic development, and micro-level factors, such as gender differs between the three forms of political engagement.     

市场化、政治价值观与中国居民的政府信任

本文利用CGSS2010的数据，考察市场化背景下中国居民政治价值观的变化及其对政府信任的影响。研究发现：第一，随着市场化的推进，居民权威主义的政治价值观明显趋于弱化，但民主主义的政治价值观没有统计上的显著变化；第二，中国居民政府信任水平的东、中、西区域差异显著，市场化进程与居民政府信任水平呈线性递减关系；第三，权威主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平有促进作用，但这种正向影响会随着市场化进程愈发弱化，而民主主义的政治价值观对居民的政府信任水平不具有统计上的显著影响。文章最后指出，中国居民当前的政治价值观可能正处于过渡期，这种“过渡型”政治价值观既包含对传统权威主义的高度认同，也隐含现代民主主义精神。此外，在市场化改革背景下，理性思维日益占据主导地位，因此，提升政府信任的最直接途径可能还在于提高政府工作绩效。     

No Justice! Black Protests? No Peace: The Racial Nature of Threat Evaluations of Nonviolent #BlackLivesMatter Protests

Objective : Nonviolent protests have been at the center of minority interest advocacy for nearly a century, as marginalized communities air their grievances in search for substantive policy change. While groups organize and demonstrate in a peaceful manner, there is no guarantee that onlookers will perceive them as such. We find it necessary to explore what factors shape perceptions of social movement protests and how the racial composition of a demonstration can elicit dramatically different responses from onlookers. Methods : To examine the impact of racial identity on protest evaluations, we conduct a survey experiment on a total of 921 respondents. We simulate a media report concerning a Black Lives Matter protest to determine how subtle changes in the racial composition of the demonstration elicit varying perceptions of a potential for violence. Results : We find that protests that comprise all‐Black participants are perceived to have a higher probability to end in violence than more diverse demonstrations. These findings come despite an assurance that the protest in question was peaceful. Consistent with minority threat theory, these perceptions are largely driven by the sentiments of white respondents. Conclusion : We argue that ill‐conceived threat perceptions, rooted in the racial composition of Black Lives Matter protests, complicate the mission of those charged with making visible the plight of Black Americans. Even when Black protesters adhere to the “rules” of non‐violent protest, there is no guarantee that the biases of onlookers will not drown out their efforts. These findings have wide reaching implications on the exercise of First Amendment right to protest, the role of the media in reporting on protests, and the expectations of government interactions with protesters.     

Social protection clusters in sub‐Saharan Africa

Sub‐Saharan Africa is expected to face the highest population growth rates leading up to 2060, yet this region faces uncertainties concerning how to cope with this demographic boom. Social protection has been a central theme in the political economic literature on advanced democracies, but little research has focused on the current social protection systems in sub‐Saharan Africa. Using a latent profile analysis, four clusters of social protection regimes were found in the region. The clusters range from groups with strong social protection and positive welfare outcomes to a cluster with poor social protection and weak welfare outcomes.     

Understanding Leaders of Repressive Social Movements

Researchers studying right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) have discussed the need to distinguish authoritarian followers from leaders. Altemeyer's (2003) studies raise several issues about political leadership in the real world. First, are most leaders of authoritarian social movements high on both RWA and social dominance (SDO)? Second, is it possible to be an authoritarian leader of a repressive social movement without being high on SDO? Third, it would be useful to develop techniques to assess SDO at a distance. Fourth, what roles do the psychological motives of need for power, need for affiliation and intimacy, and need for responsibility play in motivating leadership behavior in high SDO leaders? Finally, does social dominance exist in countries with non–Western value systems? Understanding the psychology of leaders of repressive social movements may help us develop ways to limit access to the power they crave and to mitigate the damage that they do.     

Explaining political trust among African Americans: Examining demographic, media, and social capital and social networks effects

African Americans routinely have lower levels of political trust compared with whites. Explanations of their political trust remain rather unexamined. Using data taken from the 1996 National Black Election Study, this analysis examines three models to test how demographic characteristics, the media, and social capital and social networks influence political trust among African Americans. The results show modest support for the models. However, social location as measured by demographic characteristics is most important for explaining the political trust of African Americans.