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《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2012,32(1):63-84
The Muslim presence in Europe has caused the Christian churches to focus their attention on a number of issues arising out of this presence and the following article is a review of three papers put out by church organizations. Starting chronologically from the earliest paper to the most recent, I have first summarized the contents of each paper before analysing and commenting on them collectively. The three Church Research Papers on Muslims in Europe are Witness to God in a Secular Europe, Conference of European Churches, Geneva 1985, The Image of Islam in German School Textbooks by Udo Tworuschka, Muslims in Europe. No. 32, 1986, and Islamic Law and its Significance for the Situation of Muslim Minorities in Europe, Report of a study project, Muslims in Europe, No. 35,1987. 相似文献
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Emily Knox Asam Latif Somaiyeh Mohammadian Abida Malik Musharraf Hussain 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2017,37(4):470-480
Initiatives that seek to build community trust are timely given the increasing focus on terror-related attacks and the rise in associated hate crimes as well as scrutiny of the way Muslim leadership is responding to such incidents. This paper details a novel and proactive model that aims to improve and build trust between Muslims and the wider community. The Trust Building Project was found to accomplish its two objectives. Not only was there an improvement in participant knowledge of Islam scores but there was also evidence suggesting trust had improved through engagement, understanding and through getting to know one another. Listening and learning sought to dispel myths and highlight shared morals and values. We propose that through these interactions the basis to building a more trusting society can be formed. It is unclear to what extent this could reduce incidents of hate crime and discrimination, however social change has been shown to occur where there are grass roots initiatives and suggestions are made to examine how this work can be rolled out nationally in order to address the trust deficit seen within our society today. 相似文献
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Kamran Bashir 《Social Identities》2017,23(5):631-646
Questioning ‘Dalit Muslims’ as an authentic social group, the authors enumerate the challenges inherent in presupposing that clearly delineated social groups exist and challenge the efficacy of designating such groups as discernible and cohesive. An interdisciplinary critique that draws on history, religion and social sciences, reveals a pervasive, yet ambiguous, group consciousness shaped by two prevalent discourses: social stratification among Muslims in India; and emerging activist platforms claiming to represent a Dalit Muslim polity. The ways in which ‘Dalit Muslims’ are reified as a presumably singular social group are highlighted (and disputed) in order to further scholarly debate regarding dynamics of group formation and definition. The analysis shows that, given similar social, economic and political experiences of some segments of the population, ‘Dalit Muslims’ may be treated (cautiously) as a social category for purposes of discussion. Nevertheless, despite enduring discourses about social hierarchy and socio-political activism, and a generalized have-nots versus elite rhetoric that underlies assertions of community coherence and demands for amelioration, no established, homogeneous group appropriate for either scholarly investigation or policy planning can be identified. Rather, diversity, status ambiguity and ongoing change processes provide the most cogent characterization of Dalit Muslim communities in India today. 相似文献
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Several high-profile negative events involving Muslim perpetrators have recently been covered by the media. We investigated whether the same negative actions are more likely to be labeled “terrorism” when they are committed by Muslims than when they are committed by White non-Muslims. In Experiment I (n?=?60), using a real article about a Muslim perpetrator and a modified version about a non-Muslim perpetrator, we found that participants were more likely to identify a crime as terrorism when it was perpetrated by a Muslim. The label “terrorism” also mediated the effect of Muslim identity on negative judgments of the behavior. In Experiment II (n?=?60), we replicated the results of Experiment I and clarified that the effects persisted when we used a real article about a non-Muslim perpetrator and a modified version about a Muslim perpetrator. We discuss implications for cross-group communication and representations of Muslims in the media. 相似文献
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Chris Allen 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2017,37(3):294-308
Most scholarly studies have tended to focus on the building of new and proposed mosques, and in particular how they are sites of conflict and contestation symbolic of wider “problems” associated with Muslims and Islam in the United Kingdom. This study focuses on an overlooked aspect within this, the extent to which attacks on mosques that are neither new nor proposed perform a similar symbolic function. Presenting new empirical evidence from research undertaken with ten mosques across the United Kingdom that had been targeted for attack, we begin by exploring the existing literature on the problematization of mosques using the lens of critical Islamophobia studies to do so. Setting out what is known about attacks on mosques in the British setting, empirical findings from the research are used to illustrate the type and manifestation of attacks experienced, going on to consider the drivers and catalysts for them. Exploring the similarities and differences between the conflict and contestation associated with new mosques and the attacks on mosques that are not new, this study concludes that some resonance exists in the symbolic function mosques continue to serve in the community. In conclusion, the significant resonance between Islamophobically motivated attacks against mosques with those against the individuals is considered. 相似文献
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Ala Sirriyeh 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2019,45(1):133-150
The undocumented youth movement began in the United States in the mid-2000s. Drawing on qualitative research with undocumented young organisers in California, this article explores how relationships between undocumented youth, the wider undocumented population, and legal citizens have been understood in narratives of citizenship in the movement over time. It is argued that, paradoxically, the movement’s retreat from prioritising a pathway to legal citizenship for the most ‘eligible’, made visible historic and contemporary ties to the United States and its peoples that are obscured in hegemonic narratives of contemporary citizenship. In becoming more inclusive of the wider undocumented population, positions of solidarity with marginalised US citizens have also emerged. In the context of attacks on some racialised and other marginalised social groups during Trump’s presidency, such solidarity is even more vital. 相似文献
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Martin Myers 《Race Ethnicity and Education》2018,21(3):353-369
This paper argues that Gypsy students in primary and secondary education in the UK are marginalised because of ambiguous understandings of their ‘mobility’. Drawing on research conducted on the south coast of England, it examines Gypsy families’ experiences of education. Despite often describing their identity in relation to travelling or mobility, few families’ lifestyles were characterised by actual movement or nomadism. Teachers and educationalists meanwhile cite the need to deliver a ‘mobile’ rather than a ‘sedentary’ education for Gypsy students. The Department for Communities and Local Government recently defined Gypsy ethnicity in direct relation to a nomadic lifestyle. This is problematic as the association between Gypsy ethnicity and nomadism is itself questionable and may be better understood in more nuanced terms reflecting the relationship between identity and ‘mobility’. This paper argues that ‘mobility’ is understood to define Gypsy difference in a way that excludes students. 相似文献
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Farid Hafez 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2017,37(3):267-283
Austria legally recognized Islam in 1912 and has thus been characterized as a “liberal” country regarding the inclusion of Muslims. But when the law was revision in 2015, it was largely criticized as discriminatory, anti-constitutional, and authoritarian towards the Muslim minority. The paper asks how a number of different social movement organizations and networks have framed their political participation, protest, and activism. It asks what demands were expressed regarding justice, criminalization, alienation, discrimination, and other contested issues. The paper also ponders the implications of political inclusion versus distance from the system for Muslim agency, as the protest movement ranged very widely from state-affiliated institutions to state-independent individuals. 相似文献
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《National Identities》2013,15(3):225-244
In the later years of the Second World War, Edvard Ben 3 s, president of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile in Britain, stated publicly that the German nation bore responsibility for the crimes of the Nazi regime and that, consequently, a large part of the Sudeten German population would be removed from postwar Czechoslovakia. This article looks beyond the opinions of Ben 3 sto examine the views of other Czech exiles, both ordinary citizens and officials in the government, as well as Sudeten German émigrés in Britain on the future relationship between the two nations. In response to reports of Nazi atrocities in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, particularly the destruction of the Czech village of Lidice in June 1942, Czech exiles overlooked the examples of democratic Germans in Britain and condemned the entire nation for the crimes of their leaders, demanding as punishment the complete removal of the Sudeten Germans from their state. While the Sudeten German émigré leader Wenzel Jaksch resolutely opposed these suggestions of a large-scale expulsion, after 1943 a group of German exiles acknowledged collective guilt on the part of their countrymen and agreed that most Sudeten Germans would have to be expelled. 相似文献
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Conflating Muslim “Conservatism” with “Extremism”: Examining the “Merry Christmas” Saga in Singapore
Walid Jumblatt Abdullah 《Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs》2017,37(3):344-356
In late 2015, there was a controversy with regard to a foreign Muslim preacher being “barred” from delivering a speech in Singapore. While the government did not comment directly on the incident, it subsequently expressed concern about the growing trend of Singaporean Muslims refusing to greet “Merry Christmas” or “Happy Deepavali” to their non-Muslim friends, and stated unequivocally that it would not hesitate to ban foreign preachers who promote disharmony from entering the country. This essay seeks to critically analyse this incident, not in its specificity but with regard to the broader implications. I contend that there has been a conflation of religious conservatism with religious extremism in this episode. This conflation is not unique to Singapore, as similar expressions of wariness towards conservative Islamic positions have been articulated throughout the world, especially in Western analyses of the “Islamic problem”. This paper calls for the problematization of this conflation. It seeks to comprehend the concepts of “conservatism” and “extremism” properly. I further postulate that the act of mistaking conservatism for extremism may not only be due to misunderstandings of what the two concepts entail, but it may also has its roots in the idea of “Orientalism” as described by Edward Said. 相似文献
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The Impact of Change within the “Cultural Context” of the Contemporary Art of Qiang Paper Cutting-Based upon an Investigation of the Art of Paper -Cutting in Mao County 下载免费PDF全文
YUAN Shuli 《民族学刊》2014,(6)
The original meaning of “cultural context” refers to the socio -cultural background relating to language communication .The cultural context of the Qiang art of paper -cutting in Mao county discussed i... 相似文献
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A growing number of so-called indigenous ‘Jumma’ people from the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in Bangladesh are migrating to New York City (NYC) in search of a ‘better life’, an attempt to escape from a situation defined largely by deprivation and exclusion. This paper asks how these migrants navigate the new terrain, which often does not comply with their expectations but instead fuels a deep sense of disappointment. It will be shown that their transnational practices and belonging are not only extensions of the global ‘Jumma’ network, but also that the formation of a diaspora community and the maintenance of cultural boundaries simultaneously create attachment to NYC. Making NYC a home is shaped by their dreams and aspirations, and by the ambiguous ways in which they relate to both the CHT and NYC, places where they find themselves torn between feelings of longing and detachment. 相似文献