卷首语

中国的民族和民族政策问题,一直是民族学界关注和研究的重要问题.自西藏拉萨"3.14"和新疆乌鲁木齐"7.15"事件发生后,中国民族问题与民族政策问题再次成为民族学界乃至社会各界关注或讨论的热点.本期发表周健《关于当前若干热点民族问题的理性分析》一文,针对当前一些报刊和网络上提出的"民族区域自治制度(政策)、 ‘第二代民族政策’、民族问题去(非)政治化、少数民族优惠照顾政策、民族融合问题、推广使用普通话与保障少数民族使用本民族语言文字权利、少数民族是否是国家的包袱、加强宣传教育和切实贯彻落实国家民族政策"等偏颇之论,从理论和实践上作了理性分析和辨正.     

我国"少数民族"一词的出现及使用情况探讨

我国是统一的多民族国家.我国现有五十六个民族,除汉族以外还有五十五个兄弟民族."由于汉族占全国人口的绝大多数,其他民族的人口所占比例很小,所以,在我国习惯上就把汉族以外的各民族,统称少数民族."(《民族理论和民族政策》民族出版社1985年版第9页)那么,"少数民族"一词在我国何时出现?中国共产党的历史上这一词的使用情况如何?"少数民族"一词开始使用时所含之意,所指范围情况如何?我们根据现在所了解到的材料,对这些问题以及有关的一些问题作一些介绍,并谈些粗浅的看法.众所周知,"民族"一词在我国被广泛使用已有不短的历史.根据现在民族理论学术界     

都永浩:构建“中华人民共同体”

都永浩的研究涉及民族理论与政策、民族问题和民族学研究,在民族素质、民族关系、民族概念、民族理论学科体系以及东北少数民族研究等领域均有研究。近年来,他提出构建"中华人民共同体"的理论主张,认为"中华人民"与"中华民族"之间存在本质区别,建议"中华民族"一词只在作为复数的"中华各民族"的涵义上使用,而在其他场合应放弃使用该词,努力构建"中华人民共同体",走上公民国家道路是国家长期追求的理想目标。     

调整少数民族山区产业结构是当前扶助工作的重点

当前,随着经济体制改革的深入开展,我国农村经济正在由自给自足的自然经济向商品经济转化。在这种形势下,如何进一步提高国家对少数民族地区的各种扶助资金(本文重点是指国家支援不发达地区发展资金和少数民族地区补助经费)的使用效果,是一个亟需解决的问题。本文试就我区的情况,谈谈个人对这一问题的一些浅见。一、对少数民族地区经济扶助工作的简要回顾斯大林指出:“胜利了的先进民族的无产阶级必须帮助,真正地长期地帮助落后民族的     

论市场经济视阈下的民族特需品

我国少数民族都有本民族特殊的生产和生活用品,即民族特需品。国家和地方非常重视和关心民族特需品的生产和供应工作,制定了一系列政策和法规扶持、保护民族特需品。随着社会主义市场经济体制的确立和发展,计划经济时期确立的民族特需品的生产供应体制面临着新的问题。市场经济条件下必须建立以市场导向为主、政策扶持和法规保护为辅的民族特需品生产和供应体制,变过去"一条腿走路"为"两条腿走路"的生产供应体制,为各少数民族提供充足满意的民族特需品。     

论培养造就回族干部

少数民族干部是无产阶级政党和社会主义国家干部队伍的一个重要组成部分,是民族地区进行革命和现代化建设的重要力量。大力培养少数民族干部已成为党和国家民族政策中的一个非常重要的内容和解决民族问题的一条重要历史经验。同时也是党和国家的一项重大任务。因此,本文就培养回族干部的理论和政策、现状及认识等问题提出自己一些粗浅看法,请指正。     

要正确使用少数民族族称

编辑同志:我国是一个多民族的国家,正确使用少数民族的族称,是认真执行民族政策的具体体现,有利于巩固和发展祖国各民族大家庭的安定、团结。当前,对少数民族的称呼存在不少问题:     

对民族贸易县中民族贸易企业免征增值税优惠政策实施情况的思考

民族贸易工作,既是经济工作的重要组成部分,也是党和国家民族工作的重要内容,是一项长期的政治、经济和涉及民族地区经济社会发展的重点工作.随着新中国的成立,国家陆续出台了扶持民族贸易发展的优惠政策.本文在对民族贸易工作展开问卷调查和实地调研的基础上,回顾了国家出台的有关民族贸易企业(以下简称为:民贸企业)增值税优惠政策的历程,研究分析了国家财税政策和民族政策以及"十一五"前期民贸企业在享受增值税优惠政策过程中所存在的问题和原因,在国家目前所出台的法律、法规框架内,在兼顾该项优惠政策各个利益攸关方的基础之上,提出了改进建议和实施路径.     

论党的散杂居民族理论政策成就及历史经验

建党90周年以来,散杂居民族理论政策在中国革命和社会主义建设中取得了显著的成就。如制定散杂居民族政策法规,保障散杂居少数民族的平等权利;扬弃"民族自决"与"联邦制",正确选择民族区域自治制度;将民族乡(镇、区)从民族区域自治制度中分离出来,实现马克思主义民族理论发展的新突破;确立与发展散杂居民族理论政策,丰富与创新了马克思主义民族理论;重视散杂居民族问题,推进散杂居民族工作,对建立新型的社会主义民族关系、构建和谐社会有着积极的作用。     

关于民族乡特殊性的认识与实践

民族乡是我们党运用政治的形式,结合我国散杂地区少数民族"大分散,小聚居"分布的实际情况,在解决中国民族问题的实践过程中创立的,是我国解决民族问题的一种政治形式和政治制度。宜都市是一个多民族杂居的山区县市,以土家族为主的13个少数民族,共有少数民族人口13600人。2000年10月18日,宜都市惟一的民族乡——潘家湾土家族乡成立,这是党的民族平等团结政策的生动体现,也是贯彻落实党的民族政策的重大成果。民族乡成立以来,认真贯彻落实《民族乡行政工作条例》和《湖北省散居少数民族工作条例》,制定了《宜都市贯彻(湖北省散居少数民族工作条例)的实施办法》,在省市民族工作部门的指导和宜昌及我市各对口支援单位的帮助扶持下,全市民族乡工作搭乘     

我国民族教育政策体系探讨

民族教育政策体系是国家改革与发展民族教育所需要的最基本、最关键的教育政策范围与结构 ,它包括民族教育质量政策、民族教育管理体制政策、民族教育课程政策、民族教育经费政策、民族教育教师政策和民族教育学生政策等六个方面。这些民族教育政策又与国家民族政策中的民族文化政策、宗教政策、语言文字政策等相互支持、相互促进 ,形成了中国特色的民族教育政策体系。这一政策体系 ,经过民族教育政策长期变迁的实践证明是科学、正确和有效的 ;从理论依据来看 ,它同时兼顾了国家民族问题与国家教育问题两方面的价值取向     

Promoting majority culture and excluding external ethnic influences: China’s strategy for the UNESCO ‘intangible’ cultural heritage list

ABSTRACT

China’s enthusiasm for having many World Heritage–listed sites is well-known as a national strategy of cultural soft power, economic development, and incorporating minority groups into the Han-dominated Chinese state. Relatively understudied are China’s efforts related to UNESCO’s lists of ‘intangible’ cultural heritage, which inscribe people’s living culture – such as dances, costumes, and songs – as world heritage. This study focuses on how some ethnic groups’ intangible culture has been objectified for the World Heritage Lists by the Chinese state. This study argues that by enlisting ethnic minorities’ culture under the name of Chinese state, the state can reinforce state borders that often run across ethnic and cultural boundaries, reducing external influences on minorities from their trans-border ethnic or cultural kin. Concomitantly, the majority’s cultural prominence is further entrenched in this process by the emphasis placed on minorities’ folklore in contrast to the Han’s culture of civilization.     

当代台湾的“原住民”与民族问题

当代台湾少数民族和民族问题 ,是大陆民族学界亟须深入研究的课题。本文以 2 0世纪 80年代初开始的台湾少数民族“正名”运动为切入点 ,分析了台湾少数民族经济社会生活的现状和问题 ,就台湾少数民族的政治诉求及其表现在民族问题话语中的误区进行了探讨 ,揭露了“台独”势力利用“原住民”问题分裂祖国的图谋 ,认为台湾一些人对所谓“南岛民族”的炒作实质上就是要宣扬服务于“台独”目标的“泛南岛民族主义”。     

国外少数民族语言保护经验及其启示

在现代化和全球化背景下,少数民族语言的保护和发展是一项复杂的社会工程。发达国家在保护少数民族语言方面起步较早,本文梳理国外少数民族语言保护和发展现状,汲取少数民族语言保护的经验和教训,为保护我国少数民族语言提供借鉴。     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

中国经济转型期城镇少数民族教育收益率的实证研究

文章分别使用了OLS方法和分位回归技术,考察了1995—2007年间中国城镇少数民族教育收益率的总体水平及其长期变化趋势,并将之与汉族进行了比较,发现在经济转型期,中国城镇居民教育收益率总体上呈逐年上升趋势,少数民族与汉族之间的教育收益率没有显著差异。政策的力量与市场的力量有机结合、相互叠加,是转型时期中国城镇少数民族的地位并没有发生逆转的重要原因。与汉族相同,少数民族的教育收益率随着收入分位点提高而逐渐减小,即收入水平越高,教育收益率越低。     

综述和讨论:关于小民族的生存及前景

作为人类社会、人类文化重要组成部分的小民族的生存及未来前景问题,他们因传统文化特点、因外部社会因素而引发的带有小民族特有特点的现实生存难题,早已引起人类学以及相关学科的高度重视,我国近些年对国内小民族的研究也渐成气象。那么,国内就小民族生存、发展问题的关注和实证研究状况如何?近数十年来,整个学界围绕小民族生存和未来前景以及影响因素的探讨,主要关注了哪些层面?提出了哪些主要观点?从问题意识出发,并结合自己有限的田野工作经验,本文尝试进行初步的综述和讨论。     

语言使用与族群关系(民族社会学连载之三)

语言文字是各族群传统文化的载体 ,也是民众日常交往的工具 ,从而一定程度上成为族群的象征和标志 ,其使用情况可以反映族群之间的关系。本文介绍了一些国家的语言政策、我国各族群的语言使用情况及其所体现的族群关系状况 ,并结合学校教学语言的使用 ,讨论了少数族群教育的模式和发展趋势。     

民国时期广西瑶族的人权状况

新桂系统治广西时期,当局提出“建设广西,复兴中国”的口号,并推行一系列有利于少数民族生存和发展的政策,初步改善了部分瑶族区域的生存状况;由于新桂系实行“三位一体”的集权体制,强制推行民族同化政策,简单粗暴地将少数民族的风俗一概斥之为“陋习”而强行取缔,并不断加重瑶族民众的捐税徭役负担,瑶族民众的生存状态和人权状况并无实质改善。     

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族风俗习惯和宗教信仰的理论和政策--中国共产党第三代领导集体民族理论研究之十一

中国共产党第三代领导集体关于民族风俗习惯和宗教信仰的理论和政策的基本观点包括尊重少数民族的风俗习惯;民族、宗教无小事;全面、正确执行党的宗教政策;依法加强对宗教事务的管理;积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应.