从“以人为本”角度反思我国的社会城市化

社会城市化是城市化一个重要方面,但由于我国处于社会、经济激烈的转型中,社会城市化一直没有得到足够的重视。本文通过分析我国社会城市化的现状与存在的问题,强调在城市建设中要“以人为本”、加大对社会城市化的重视,并提出“以人为本”城市化的相应对策。本文强调城市化的最终目的应该是包括城市居民、流动人口和农民在内的所有人都能享受城市文明,提高生活质量。这也是构建和谐社会的必然要求。     

Political Distrust and Social Capital in Europe and the USA

Levels of rising political distrust in the USA and parts of Europe attracted political scientists’ attention in the 1990s, and urged them to look at possible consequences of this phenomenon for the functioning of democracies and social life. Approximately during the same period, from a sociological viewpoint, social capital theorists started studying the effects of declining social capital on political and economic life. In this article, we looked at the relationship between political distrust and social capital from an interdisciplinary perspective. We studied the relationship in six European countries from three regions (North-West, South and East), and the USA, and we were interested in the question of whether this relationship varies over the regions, or whether it is approximately the same everywhere. We used ISPP data from the 2004 wave, which included a range of social capital indicators and political distrust items. Social capital was subdivided into four dimensions, namely, networks (membership of organizations), interpersonal or social trust, social norms (citizenship norms), and linking social capital (political activities). First we studied the effect of political distrust on these four dimensions of social capital, while controlling for other variables such as political efficacy, political interest and a set of socio-structural background variables. One of our main findings was that the only significant effect of political distrust we found throughout all countries was a negative effect on one dimension of social capital, namely, interpersonal trust: the more people distrust politicians and people in government, the less they trust other people in general, even when controlled for all other variables. The reverse relationship led us to the same conclusion: the more people tend to trust people in general, the less they distrust politics, a result we found in all countries. This finding refutes the claim that there is no or either only a very weak relationship between political and social trust, as some have strongly argued before. Other important political attitudes connected to social capital were political interest and political efficacy, and for political distrust it was external efficacy. Significant socio-economic factors were religiousness and educational level for membership of voluntary organizations, educational level for interpersonal trust, religiousness for citizenship norms, and educational level and age for political activities. The reciprocal relationship was strongest in the USA and North-Western Europe, as were the explained variances of our (more extensive) regression models. In Southern and Eastern Europe other factors appear to be at work which influence both social capital and political distrust.     

Revolution Impact on Drinking Water Consumption: Real Case of Tunisia

Water is considered a major social and political issue. This article stands out by its quantification of the impact of socio-political disturbances on social behavior regarding the consumption of drinking water. It also allows the monitoring of fluctuation of the economic pattern through the main economic sectors during these disturbances by the study of a revolution impact—case of the revolution in Tunisia in January 2011, on the spatial, temporal and sectorial variation of the drinking water consumption. Six water users covering the whole consumption are considered in this study: connected and non connected household users, tourism, industries, collective and various other users. Among the results, in this coastal country, the relation between drinking water consumption by tourism, the touristic activities and the national economy are clearly established. All these components are similarly affected by the socio political disturbances but longer lasting fallouts hit only the most vulnerable regions of the country. Industrial activities that used drinking water seemed to be affected only when the socio political disturbance is at its paroxysm due to strikes, sit-ins of unemployed people, job seekers protests and companies closure. The revolution impacts such as weakening of the State’s authority when facing inappropriate and illegitimate social desires, anarchy, people displacement and refugees are the major causes of non-connected household drinking water waste or over-consumption (up to 89 %) and an alarming increase of the induced breakages (+445 % in 2012 compared to 2010).     

Happy life-expectancy

One of the aims of social indicator research is to develop a comprehensive measure of quality-of-life in nations that is analogous to GNP in economic indicator research. For that purpose, several multi dimensional indexes have been proposed. In addition to economic performance, these also acknowledge the nation's success in matters like schooling and social equality. The most current indicator of this type is the ‘Human Development Index’. In this approach QOL is measured by input; the degree to which society provides conditions deemed beneficial (‘presumed’ QOL). The basic problem is that one never knows to what extent the cherished provisions are really good for people. An alternative is measuring QOL in nations by output, and consider how well people actually flourish in the country. This ‘apparent’ QOL can be measured by the degree to which citizens live long and happily. This conception is operationalized by combining registration based estimates of length-of-life, with survey data on subjective appreciation-of-life. Life-expectancy in years is multiplied by average happiness on a 0–1 scale. The product is named ‘Happy Life-Expectancy’ (HLE), and can be interpreted as the number of years the average citizen in a country lives happily at a certain time. HLE was assessed in 48 nations in the early 1990's. It appears to be highest in North-West European nations (about 60) and lowest in Africa (below 35). HLE scores are systematically higher in nations that are most affluent, free, educated, and tolerant. Together, these country-characteristics explain 70% of the statistical variance in HLE. Yet HLE is not significantly related to unemployment, state welfare and income equality, nor to religiousness and trust in institutions. HLE does not differ either with military dominance and population pressure. The conclusion is that HLE qualifies as the envisioned comprehensive social indicator. It has both clear substantive meaning (happy life-years) and theoretical significance (ultimate output measure). HLE differentiates well. Its correlations fit most assumptions about required input, but also challenge some. The indicator is likely to have political appeal.     

Impact of the 1999 East Marmara Earthquake in Turkey

This paper studies responses to the 1999 Marmara Earthquake (Turkey) in which 18,000 people died, 50,000 people were injured, there were 5,000 building collapses and 340,000 damaged buildings, 14,513 businesses closed, 150,000 people became unemployed, and 129,338 were forced to live in prefabricated houses. This research is based on a survey comprising 500 interviews carried out a year after the earthquake. Responsible behavior as the dependent variable is statistically tested with several socio-demographic and attitude variables. The findings indicate social solidarity, knowledge, basic needs, desire for change and psychological status of the disaster survivors were all adversely affected. It was observed that education, employment, social security, knowledge and fatalism have varying impacts on responsible behavior related to preparedness for future earthquakes.     

Inklusion in die Moderne – Zum systemischen Verständnis des ‚Sozialen‘ in der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft

Social inclusion is the market’s blind spot: the number of members of a society that are included in a society through the economy and under what conditions is irrelevant to the logic and functionality of an economic system. It is not, however, possible to lead a reasonably meaningful life—a requisite in our modern age—without any material basis. Accordingly, political measures should be called for when people’s autonomous way of life is threatened by a lack of inclusion in the market and society. Such a political, normative-based, inclusion-seeking solution has already been laid out in the initial concept of the social market economy. This paper aims at showing how the fundamental concern of the social market economy with social issues can be brought up to date within the idea of built-in inclusion thanks to a modern approach to the theory of justice.     

Social Indicators and Voting: The Turkish Case

The aim of this article is to set out the various explanations of voting behaviour in Turkey. Its principal intellectual motivation is to present the political and social indicators that shape voting in such a way as to explain how an activity which is so crucial for democratic life is also based upon voters’ values and surrounding political context. Although the number of empirical work on voting behaviour in Turkey is increasing there is a considerable room for testing alternative variables and research tools in order to expand the academic knowledge on the problematic. Findings ratified that the political and personal values coupled with the other social factors have considerable impact on the voting behaviour in Turkey. Additionally this research also proved that these factors work differently for the competing political parties. Hence the contribution of this study is the introduction of an explicit analysis on the impact of different social and political factors that are salient in voting behaviour and magnitudes of these factors on different political parties by using a public database. Thus this study will not only uncover the relevancy of the variables in the literature for Turkish voters but also it will highlight the meaning and significance of these factors for different political parties.     

Citizenship Norms in Eastern Europe

Research on Eastern Europe stresses the weakness of its civil society and the lack of political and social involvement, neglecting the question: What do people themselves think it means to be a good citizen? This study looks at citizens’ definitions of good citizenship in Poland, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary, using 2002 European Social Survey data. We investigate mean levels of civic mindedness in these countries and perform regression analyses to investigate whether factors traditionally associated with civic and political participation are also correlated with citizenship norms across Eastern Europe. We show that mean levels of civic mindedness differ significantly across the four Eastern European countries. We find some support for theories on civic and political participation when explaining norms of citizenship, but also demonstrate that individual-level characteristics are differently related to citizenship norms across the countries of our study. Hence, our findings show that Eastern Europe is not a monolithic and homogeneous bloc, underscoring the importance of taking the specificities of countries into account.     

Social Media and Turkish Feminism: New resources for social activism

The recent democratic movements in the Middle East, especially in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria, put forward a new kind of political activism accelerated by social media. Whereas in these countries the social media created opportunities for the social movement referred to as the “Arab Spring,” this paper looks at the neighboring country of Turkey and the role of social media in Turkish women's activism.     

Discrimination and Victimization: Parade for Lesbian,Gay, Bisexual,and Transgender (LGBT) Pride,in Chile

This article describes the population participating in the LGBT Pride Parade in Santiago, Chile, from discrimination and victimization standpoints. The sample consisted of 488 subjects older than 18 years (M = 25.1), who were interviewed during the 2007 event. For this purpose, a questionnaire from the Latin American Centre of Sexuality and Human Rights (CLAM) was adapted and administered. Approximately 35% of respondents reported having experimented school, religious, or neighborhood discrimination. The more discriminated are transgender people. Approximately three fourths of respondents reported experiencing ridicule and almost 60% reported experiencing insults or threats. Transgender were significantly more likely than gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals to experience discrimination or victimization events. Finally, the parade acquired an important social and political character in the context of a clearly homophobic society.     

Does Society Matter? Life Satisfaction in the Enlarged Europe

Life satisfaction is quite heterogeneously distributed across countries of the enlarged European Union. Previous research has shown how living conditions within individual countries, such as access to material and emotional resources, are important for personal well-being, but it has been less successful in explaining differences between countries. This article investigates whether it matters in which political and economic circumstances people live, as well as whether their particular perception of the quality of their societal environment plays a role. People are well aware that the institutional and cultural settings in which their lives are embedded create opportunities and limitations: within individual countries, perceptions of society influence life satisfaction outcomes irrespective of access to resources. However, their importance for well-being differs across Europe: perceptions of societies are highly decisive in countries that provide only a minimum of social security and in which the reliability of political institutions is poor. In rich and stable countries, the impact is weaker and private social support becomes more important. In addition to these country-specific weights of life satisfaction determinants, life satisfaction variations between countries can be explained to a large extent by taking into consideration the economic performance, the social security level, and the political culture in a country—all in all, general conditions that enable people to live a respectable life.     

From Thatcherism to Blairism

From 1979 to 1997 the Conservative governments of Margaret Thatcher and John Major tried to refashion British society along the managerial lines suggested by the New Right. Since 1997, New Labour has attempted to consolidate those reforms by offering a kind of ‘compassionate Thatcherism’. The article offers an overview and a critical assessment of the social and political reforms that characterize this neo-liberal consensus. The main thesis is that at the core of those reforms there is a double policy of administrative decentralization cum political centralization the goal of which is to shift the costs of social change upon middle and lower level managers while freeing the government from accountability. Against Thatcher’s libertarian rhetoric, it is argued that this policy has augmented the role of the state in society. In opposition to Blair’s Third Way discourse, it is maintained that this policy has increased inequalities, entrenched social, economic and geographical divides and re-enforced the deep-seated tendencies of the British political system towards centralization.     

城市人口管理组织化:基于集体户口的认识

人口管理组织化将多元、异质的个体塑造成相对刚性、权利分层的社会身份差序格局。本文探讨集体户口在人口管理组织化中的意义建构及对户籍制度改革的反思。分析显示,集体户口的发展历程是一个集个体存在和权利安排于一体的组织化过程。单位制年代,集体户口依业缘对人口进行组织和管理,合成以单位为中心的\个人紧密依存单位的社会单元;单位制解体后,集体户口以整合无房人口为导向,实现不同类型社会自由人的组织重构。在开放、流动、多元的社会形态下,集体户口能否更好地保障和拓展落户人口的合法民生权益,在实现人口管理组织化的同时促进社会善治,将是户籍制度改革的重要议题。     

Return Visits as a Marker of Differentiation in the Social Field

Abstract

This article sets out to examine how differences within a migrant community are expressed through return visits, and particularly through visitors’ narratives about their country of origin. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with Burundians living in Norway and the UK, I argue that the Burundian social field is characterized by two opposing positions regarding the possibility of return, and that the political field in the country of settlement plays an influential role in how those two positions are defined. Two narratives called ‘instability and alienation’ and ‘progress and opportunities’ from return visits are used to express support for one or the other of these two positions. I also argue that Bourdieu’s conceptualization of social practice is highly relevant for migration research because it allows for analysing differences within a migration community, and that the advantages of combining habitus, capital and field should be further explored, both theoretically and comparatively.     

LGBTQ+ Young Adults on the Street and on Campus: Identity as a Product of Social Context

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, queer, and other sexual and gender minority (LGBTQ+) young adults face unique identity-related experiences based on their immersion in distinctive social contexts. The predominant framework of performing separate analyses on samples of LGBTQ+ young people by their primary social status obfuscates more holistic understandings of the role of social context. Using 46 in-depth interviews with LGBTQ+ college students and LGBTQ+ homeless young adults, we ask: How are LGBTQ+ young adults’ capacities for “doing” their gender and sexual identities shaped by their distinctive social contexts? In developing their identities, both groups of LGBTQ+ young adults navigated their social environments to seek out resources and support. Most college students described their educational contexts as conducive to helping them develop their identities, or “undo” rigid norms of gender and sexuality. Homeless young adults’ social environments, meanwhile, imposed complex barriers to self-expression that reinforced more normative expectations of “doing” gender and sexual identities.     

The population situation and its relation to the economy in Turkey]

In southwest Asia, Turkey is a leading nation in collecting complete data on its population through the use of a modern census. Based on available information, the development of Turkey's population can be summarized as follows: 1) in the last 20 years, Turkey's population increase rate has been 2% annually, very high by world standards; 2) the average age is young, and the population's burden coefficient is above 80%; and 3) the geographical distribution of the population is uneven. The population density in central, eastern, and southeastern parts of the country is low, while the coastal provinces near the Black Sea, Mediterranean Sea, and Aegean Sea have a high population density. In the last 50 years, the political situation in Turkey has remained stable. The national economy has developed rapidly, and the infant mortality rate has declined as a result of advancements in medicine and health care. Since Turkey is an Islamic country, birth control and abortion are not popular. The traditional early marriage for women and high illiteracy rate among women have contributed to a rapid population growth. In the past 20 years, however, the national economy has been overburdened by a rapid population growth. Problems of unemployment, a housing shortage in cities, inadequate public health facilities, a shortage of schools, a decline in farm land and inadequate food supplies have become increasingly obvious. Economically speaking, Turkey is much better than most developing nations. With its current foundation and rich natural resources, the country needs only to reduce the natural population increase rate slightly in order to achieve a balanced economic development.     

艾滋病——不可忽视的社会问题

艾滋病因其传播速度快、死亡率高,引起了国际社会的广泛关注。目前,它已是一个必须面对和解决的社会问题,一个艾滋病肆虐的国家,在艾滋病方面的关注程度,以及为应对所下的力度,对于其社会、经济、政治等众多领域都将产生深远的影响。     

South Africa's 'Rainbow People', National Pride and Happiness

Since the first free elections were held in April 1994, South Africans are popularly known as the 'rainbow people'. The paper inquires whether South Africans who experienced pride in their nation in the first years of democracy also perceived a greater sense of subjective well-being. It is proposed that national pride in post-apartheid South Africa might be fused with or work through self-esteem to lift levels of happiness. The paper traces the history of the new integrating civil religion of the rainbow people and the acceptance of the rainbow as a political symbol of unity among the diverse people of South Africa immediately after the 1994 elections and two years later. The proposed link between national pride and happiness was explored with data from two independent national surveys, the 1995 South African World Values Survey conducted by Markinor and a June 1996 MarkData syndicated omnibus survey. The study found that the appeal of the rainbow as political symbol was inclusive of all groups in society and that feelings of national pride and support for the rainbow ideal were positively associated with subjective well-being. As indicated by intensity and frequency measures, the majority of South Africans were proud of their country and could name a national achievement that inspired pride. Better-off South Africans tended to be happier and more satisfied with life but less proud, while the poor were less happy but fiercely proud of their country. Results suggest that belief in South Africa's 'rainbow nation' ideal may have assisted in boosting happiness during the transition to a stable democracy, thereby preventing alienation among the losers under the new political dispensation. Supporters of the ideal of the rainbow nation were more optimistic than others about the future of their country.     

“Gay Guys are Shit-Lovers” and “Lesbians are Obsessed With Fingers”: The (Mis)Representation of LGBTIQ People in Thai News Media

ABSTRACT

This article presents an analysis of news reports containing information or opinions about lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) people taken from six Thai media outlets over a period of one year. The aim was to explore how LGBTIQ people are portrayed in news media narratives. LGBTIQ identities were found to be vastly underrepresented and, when represented, were often represented inaccurately, stereotypically, harmfully, or without a clear understanding of the diversity of sexual orientations, gender identities, and gender expressions. (Hetero-)sexist narratives, negative portrayals, harmful stereotypes, and discriminatory speech were also widely found, fueling a climate of stigmatization and discrimination of LGBTIQ people in Thai society. This article suggests that key stakeholders in Thai news media should be sensitized on the human rights of LGBTIQ people and on basic professional ethics in journalism.     

A Decade of Microaggression Research and LGBTQ Communities: An Introduction to the Special Issue

ABSTRACT

Though the Supreme Court of the U.S. legalized same-sex marriage in 2015, heterosexism and transphobia has continued to manifest through many systems in the US — from lack of federal protection in employment non-discrimination laws to polices that prohibit transgender people from using bathroom and public facilities that match their gender identities. Heterosexist and transphobic discrimination have also persisted through interpersonal interactions — ranging from more overt forms (e.g., hate crimes, bullying) to more subtle forms of discrimination, otherwise known as microaggressions. Since 2008, there have been hundreds of articles written on microaggressions, with dozens focusing specifically on experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people. Qualitative and quantitative studies have revealed that LGBTQ people who experience microaggressions have reported negative outcomes like depression, low self-esteem, and trauma. This special issue aims to further Microaggression Theory by providing theoretical and empirical papers that focus on the manifestation and impact of microaggressions on LGBTQ people. Using an interdisciplinary approach, articles range in topic from intersectional identities, to health and psychological outcomes, to advancing research methods. Future studies regarding microaggressions and LGBTQ people are discussed- highlighting the influence of the changing landscape of heterosexism and transphobia within general society, as well as new dynamics that have formed and developed within LGBTQ communities.