法汉动物熟语的文化比较和翻译

熟语是一门语言中最能够体现该语言文化涵义的语言形式,在法语和汉语中有关动物的熟语则传递了各自语言最具民族特色的文化涵义。本文通过对其文化涵义相似性和差异性的比较研究,启发我们在法汉互译过程中选择最佳的翻译方法,以更好地体现出不同语言的文化涵义。     

让"旧瓶"来装"新酒"--谈《思想政治》教材的"活用"

政治教材在内容上往往有其滞后性,在教学时,如果能够根据情况充分地"活用"教材,就能使课堂充满生机.如何"活用"教材?可以从四个方面入手与时事结合;借用舆论工具;与学生的实际结合;变轻松为严肃.     

《汉语拼音正词法基本规则》修订管见

《汉语拼音正词法基本规则》公布实施5周年以来,在实践中存在一些难以操作的问题,其分词连写法、熟语拼写法、人名地名拼写法等应从简化标准,克服模糊规则和便于应用的原则出发,进行修正.     

军事熟语的文化特征

军事熟语是在中华民族的长期语言实践中反复加工锤炼而成的哲理性语言.它具有客观辩证的思维方式:联系发展的动态理念和把握全局的宏观视角;具有历史性:以谋为本的文化倾向,以治为胜的治军传统和追求全胜的最高境界;具有民族性:爱好和平的心理愿望和团结一心的民族气节.     

脱口三字经

哈萨克语 我国哈萨克族人口约125万(2000年统计),主要分布在新疆。哈萨克语属于阿尔泰语系突厥语族,形态上为粘着语型。我国哈萨克族使用阿拉伯文字基础上的拼音文字。哈萨克族善长口头文学,有200多部史诗,其他民间文学题材也十分丰富。语言中畜牧业词汇发达,熟语、谚语使用频率高,游牧民族文化特点鲜明,语言极具表现力。     

论谚语的语义特征

谚语是一种特殊的语言单位,一直受到研究者的关注,但多散见于各种熟语或习语的研究之中.且将研究限定在静态的词汇层面上,研究的聚焦点多在谚语的追源溯流、修辞特点、结构组成和语体上,关注的是谚语结构的固定性和语义的完整性,对谚语语义缺乏深入的研究,这是因为以往的研究主要是从传统语言学的观点出发的.本文从认知语言学的角度,揭示了谚语的结构特征和语义特点,并对此做了进一步的分析.     

现代日语动词的活用分类法

日语中的用言是活用语,有词形和活用变化,包括形容词、形容动词、动词.这些词与汉语的用法相去甚远,也是我们学习日语过程中的重点和难点.彻底掌握日语动词的分类办法,弄清如何区分一段动词、五段动词、力变动词、廿变动词对我们深入学习日语和掌握日语动词的变化规律都将会大有帮助.     

日本对非物质文化遗产的法律保护

通过对日本<文化财保护法>中有关无形文化遗产、传承人和传承团体、民俗文化遗产等概念的辨析,以及日本在非物质文化遗产的保护与活用方面所采取的具体措施和案例等的分析,认为日本是少数几个在非物质文化遗产保护和利用方面走在世界前列的国家之一,其最成功的经验就是通过立法的方式使得非物质文化遗产保护和利用具有可持续性.     

红色文化学习教育融入高校思想政治教育的价值意蕴与实践路向

红色文化学习教育融入高校思想政治教育有着极其其重要的价值，它可以帮助学生坚定革命信仰，激发奋斗精神，引导其价值构建。红色文化学习教育融入高校思想政治教育工作任重而道远，必须通过强化“三全育人”机制，提升年红色文化学习教育育人效果；活用红色文化资源，增强红色文化学习教育功效；创新红色文化学习教育形式，深化红色文化学习教育成效等途径来实现。     

“文化语境”的变化对当代羌族剪纸的影响及对策建议——基于茂县羌族剪纸的调查

羌族剪纸是羌族文化艺术的精华。经历了2008年“汶川大的地震”、灾后重建、城镇化发展之后,羌族剪纸的“文化语境”正发生着较大变化。以茂县羌族剪纸为例,其变化的外部原因包括现代流行服饰的融入、自然灾害、城镇化进程以及茂县手画花样市场的兴起对花样剪纸的冲击等,而内部原因则表现为传统习俗的变化、宗教祭祀的淡化及服饰审美观念的变化等。因此,羌族剪纸传承和发展需注意处理好传承与传播、活态与活用、变与不变等关系。     

多层面引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应的途径

本文从不同层面探讨了宗教与社会主义社会相适应的途径,分析了正确对待宗教工作的方法和态度,着重论述了新时期应该突出宗教的伦理和文化功能的观点,从制度支持、信仰者个体自我约束与政府的管理相互促进、以保证信教者与不信教者拥有平等的地位等方面探讨了宗教与社会主义社会相适应的条件及途径。     

《关于回回民族问题的提纲》及其指导下的延安回族政策实践

1940年,西工委拟定《关于回回民族问题的提纲》(下文简称《提纲》),标志着党对回族的政策达到较高水平。《提纲》系统阐发了党对回族的政策:建立民族自治制度,保障回族在政治上与汉族享有平等权利;成立专门管理机构来管理民族事务;组织成立回族文化救国团体;培养民族干部,发展回族教育事业,实行文化上的平等;尊重伊斯兰教,尊重回民生活习惯等。延安时期的回族政策与实践,为新时期回族政策与理论发展提供了鲜活的历史参考。     

中原人口逃入匈奴及其受到信任使用

匈奴社会的管理比中原地区宽松,无以为生的中原贫民、留没匈奴之中原将士的亲属以及边民、奴婢等甘愿冒极大风险逃亡出塞,为的是去谋求生存.虽有障塞哨卡甚至腰斩酷刑却仍禁而不止.至西汉末年,汉廷所设四条恰从反面证明,时从中原北入匈奴谋求生存者已形成潮流.留居匈奴地区的中原人有一部分自愿参加了匈奴军队对汉军作战,还有中原人把穿井筑城治楼藏谷技术,以及计课人众畜物的疏记方法等带到匈奴地区.张骞、苏武、李陵等留居匈奴期间都曾娶胡妇建立家庭.李广利之死与殉葬无关.匈奴地区的中原人有人身自由.     

党项人的宗族部族及其民族与国家的形成

对于党项民族的统一和国家的形成,传统的说法是根据极其有限的范例,认为是在氏族部落及其联盟的基础上发展起来,即是在氏族部落的废墟上完成了民族的统一和国家的建立。西方学者在上个世纪的六七十年代,提出了被一些国内学者所接受的“酋邦”说,似乎看到并论述了宗族部族政权的存在,但“酋邦”说概括不了宗族部族政权的性质和形成的原因。笔者从历史史实和逻辑推理两个方,论证了党项民族是直接在宗族部族的新基础上,完成了民族的统一和国家的建立。在西夏国建立之前,《宋史·兵志五》就详细记载了党项人处在宗族如林的宗族部族发展阶段。最富强的拓拔——李氏宗族的几代人,利用正确的政策和策略,实现了统一党项和建立国家的任务:利用中原王朝的加封在其民族中树立起任何势力也代替不了的威信与地位;用姻亲关系联络强宗大族以加强同各宗族部族的联系;“委豪右分统其众”,“以兵法勒部众”,提纲挈领地抓住了变宗族部族首领为国家官员、变宗族部族武装为国家武装的金钥匙;用官爵、钱物笼络各宗族部族的大小首领为其保卫国家和统治人民服务;用首领子弟组成“六班值”亲军来控制各个宗族部族组织;向各宗族部族的人灌输儒家思想,使其忠于皇族;用宗族部族制宗族部族,以巩固皇族对全国的统治;善于处理与宋、辽的     

论民族关系发展与和谐社会构建的切合

民族关系是多民族国家中至关重要的社会关系。在我国社会主义和谐社会的构建进程中,消除影响民族关系发展的负面因素,加强民族关系调控工作力度,全方位推进民族关系发展的“强基固本”工作,寻求民族关系发展评估和保障举措的突破,是实现民族关系发展与和谐社会构建切合的要求。     

论新民主主义革命时期中国共产党的民族政策在东北朝鲜族地区的实践

新民主主义革命时期 ,中国共产党一直承认朝鲜族作为我国少数民族一员的平等和合法地位 ,并以朝鲜族的特殊历史为依据 ,制定了在朝鲜族地区贯彻党的民族政策的一系列具体的方针、原则。其主要内容为 :保障朝鲜族人民的平等权利 ;承认朝鲜族自治权 ,实行民族区域自治 ;解决朝鲜族人民的土地问题 ;积极争取和团结朝鲜族人民 ,共同进行抗日救亡运动 ;建立朝鲜族人民武装 ,共同进行抗日武装斗争 ;大力培养朝鲜族干部 ;发展朝鲜族文化教育和语言文字等     

Scientific justification of social policies: concepts of language and immigrant integration

Population mobility, globalisation, and the Internet contribute to the change of immigration patterns and the emergence of new kinds of identities and integration strategies. It is necessary to re-examine the heuristic significance of this field's key concepts in order to ensure that relevant and theoretically sound knowledge consistently informs integration policies, measures, and programmes. This paper focuses on the concepts of language and maintains that a narrow-utilitarian approach to the issue of language and integration may thrive due to uncritical acceptance of an instrumentalist view on language as a means of communication and/or a social marker together with an essentialist concept of identity that stems from the sociolinguistic tradition. However, this conceptual framework does not correspond to the complexity of the integration process in a contemporary society. The present paper aims to contribute to the field of language and immigrant integration via outlining an alternative approach to language grounded in the ideas of Humboldt, Potebnja, and Vygotsky (language as a creative force, a worldview, and a mediating tool) and discussing its potential for addressing the issue of integration in contemporary conditions.     

Misadventures with Aboriginalism

For 30 years the dominant approach to Aboriginal affairs in Australia has been to support cultural recovery and accommodate cultural difference in the expectation that this will enhance Aborigines’ and Torres Strait Islanders’ equality as citizens.This approach has been driven by a dialectic of progressivist desire to ameliorate the effects of earlier colonialist policy and Aboriginalist discourse that assumes isolable cultures, unitary identities and uni-directional causes of marginalisation. That discursive formation, once counter to dominant colonialist discourse, has now itself become normative, internally repressive, counter-productive and resistant to change. This is the national misadventure with Aboriginalism. This paper argues that this unexpected development is a product of the national governing attempt to gain control through public policy that is inadequate to Aborigines’ contemporary lived reality of interculturality, post-ethnicity and political agency. It uses an indicative case study and an analysis of the national misadventure to propose a deliberative intercultural approach to public policy in respect of Aborigines.     

宗教事务依法管理的路径及基础——以四川藏区依法治理为视角

Under the situation that traditional beliefs have remained basically unchanged while the social economy has developed and population mobility has increased, with the trend of an in-creasing diversity in beliefs, and an increasing number of religious followers and temples, the management of religious affairs has become more difficult. In ethnic areas, the speed of moderniza-tion has accelerated, ethnic interactions are fre-quent, and the beneficial conflict or cultural con-flict among various ethnic groups has become nor-mal; the impact of modernity, ways of life, the value and ideals of the temples’ traditional culture and educational model brings new social pressure for the monks who are adapting to modernization, and making a leap in development while safeguard-ing traditional rituals, culture, religious education and development. The number of criminal cases involving monks has increased, which brings a strong negative influence to the religious followers in Tibetan areas. All these factors are directly in-fluencing the stability and harmonious development of the Tibetan areas. As the second-largest Tibetan area, the geo-graphical location of Sichuan’s Tibetan areas is u-nique. In ancient times, the policy of “keeping the Tibetan areas stable means keeping Kham sta-ble at first” had been an important measure for the central government to manage all of the Tibetan ar-eas. From the Qing dynasty to the present times, it still has a practical use, and even has special val-ue in the process of safeguarding the “long-term stability of Sichuan”, especially when the people have but a hazy understanding of the relationship between the freedom of faith and managing reli-gious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas, and one needs to have a legal response to it. Hence, “keeping Kham stable” needs to depend on the law, and legal means should be taken to safeguard the harmony and stability of the Tibetan areas in Sichuan. Management of the religious affairs according to the law is an inevitable requirement for China to promote the goal of ruling the country by law, com-prehensively deepen reform, and promote the mod-ernization of the country’s governance system and capability. Based on an active response to the guidance principle of strengthening the manage-ment of religious affairs according to the law pro-posed by the Central Government, and the Sichuan Provincial Government, we should standardize reli-gious activities and affairs, insist on a combination of legal management and policy guidance, adopt various measures, search for a practicable path to realize the significant goal of managing the religious affairs according to the law in Tibetan areas of Si-chuan. This article proposes some methods of man-aging the religious affairs according to the law as follows:1 ) To insist on the CPC’s leadership in reli-gious work and management of religious affairs;2 ) to actively and reliably promote the systematic con-
struction of the legalization of religious affairs;3 ) to insist on the combination of legal management and policy guidance;4 ) to encourage the public to manage religious affairs according to law; 5 ) to standardize the scale and number of monks by u-sing new methods of management;6 ) to strengthen the role of the “four troops” ( Party and Govern-ment leading cadres,ethnic religious work cadres, ethnic minority cadres and talents, and religious believers ) , especially religious believers; 7 ) to make full use of the regulatory framework of the Buddhist community; 8 ) to create conditions for those monks who wish to return to secular life;9 ) to distinguish the boundary between normal and il-legal religious activities, between folk custom and extreme religious concepts; 10 ) to identify and distinguish between “monks and lay people”, and“ordinary cases and religious cases”. At present, there are four foundations for managing religious affairs according to the law:1 ) the idea that freedom of faith is not only one’s right, but also one’s duty has gradually enjoyed popular support;2 ) there is a good policy base for managing religious affairs according to the law;3 ) there is a relatively strong theoretical basis for managing religious affairs according to the law;4 ) there exists good legal support for managing reli-gious affairs according to the law.     

Citizenship, ‘rubbished’ dissidents and local restoration of the dead – the execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran

The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979–1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a ‘remote’ periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this ‘crime’ than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been ‘rubbished’ – wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues ‘rubbishing’ signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring ‘the most corrupt’ subject, the sinner who could not even be ‘rectified’ through a less destructive use of force – flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of – ‘rubbished’. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the ‘immortality’ of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of ‘the pen’, in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated ‘rifle’, to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal – objectified – political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.