The Implementation of Voting from Abroad: Evidence from the 2014 Turkish Presidential Election

Voting from abroad (VFA) is a complex norm and practice due to the multilevel processes, structures and actors involved. This article explores the reasons behind the eventual adoption of this practice within the context of a long and well‐known history of emigration in Turkey. During the 2014 Turkish presidential election, emigrants from Turkey were finally allowed to participate from abroad even though legislation giving them this right has been in place since 1995. Based on archival research and fieldwork in Germany and the United States, this article discusses the varying relevance of three central explanatory factors to the implementation of VFA: emigrant lobbying, the electoral expectations of potential benefit by the governing party, and the presence of broader, state‐led diaspora engagement policies. The first of these is important but insufficient, whereas the second factor is necessary. Moreover, the presence of broader, state‐led diaspora engagement policies is a mediating factor. This article finds that specific actors like political parties may play the crucial role, highlighting the need for critical examination of their role in the implementation process.     

Gender Differences in Time Availability: Evidence from France

The aim of the article is to examine differences in work time from a gender perspective. To this end, a concept broader than mere duration of work time is constructed. This concept, which we call time availability, encompasses not only the volume of hours worked but also the scheduling and predictability of those hours. It is measured by a synthetic indicator showing the extent to which a given group of workers exceeds the societal time norm. After a presentation of the French context, we show that women seem to have less time availability, particularly at the ages that are most decisive in career terms. But these differences do not concern the same aspects of time availability. Thus the time constraints experienced mainly by women are less socially visible and hence undervalued by employers. This lower visibility comes, for a large part, from the social perception of women professionals.     

Race, Gender, and Opinion Toward Black and Female Presidential Candidates

Using data from the 1974 and 1978 General Social Surveys, publicopinion toward blacks and women as presidential candidates wasexplored. We tested the hypotheses that white males would beleast likely to support presidential candidates from both groups,while black females would be the most likely to express thissupport. We found that although blacks in general were moresupportive of black candidacies than were whites, women werenot consistently more supportive of female candidates. Whileblack women were more likely than black males to support femalecandidates, among whites few gender differences were found.     

Gender Differences in Union Formation in Mexico: Evidence From Marital Search Models

Although increasingly appreciated for their explanatory power in developed societies, marital search models have yet to be widely applied to developing nations. This article evaluates the applicability of marital search models to marriage timing in Mexico. The analysis compares separate models of union formation for men and women that include individual and marriage market predictors. Results show that union formation is closely linked to the uncertainties surrounding the transition to adulthood and the availability of marriageable partners. Improvements in women's economic position do not diminish the attractiveness of marriage, as female independence arguments would suggest. Instead, they are a central force behind the stability of marriage behavior in Mexico. A central transformation identified in the analysis is the reduction in sex differences in age at marriage as women expand their education and labor force participation.     

The Electoral Consequences of Marriage and Motherhood: How Gender Traits Influence Voter Evaluations of Female Candidates

Recent literature largely dismisses the notion that voters engage in direct bias against women based on sex alone. Making a distinction between sex and gender, our theoretical expectations predict that female candidates who violate gender norms for marriage and motherhood will receive lower candidate evaluations, particularly so among voters who hold conservative beliefs about the proper role of women. We use a survey experiment to estimate the direct and conditional effects of gender traits and gender role beliefs on evaluations. Our results support the proposition that candidate traits, such as marital and parental status, can prime gender beliefs in the evaluative process.     

Religion and Voting: A Study of the 1968 Canadian Federal Election in Ontario

On a cherchC A ddceler le genre de liaisons qui existaient entre certaines dimensions de la ferveur religieuse et les prdfdrences dans le vote a l'aide de donndes recueillies sur questionnaire dam la Province de l'Ontario au moment de 1'Clection fCdCrale canadienne de 1968. Les dimensions de la ferveur religieuse sont les suivantes: engagement social dans la communautd religieuse, orthodoxie doctrinale, I'intensitC de la pratique religieuse, les attitudes vis-his les autres groupes religieux et la question des Ccoles dpardes, et l'affiliation religieuse des candidats. Les mesures de l'engagement social sont trks dtroitement reliees A celles des preferences dans le vote tandis que la religion des interrogks ne produit aucun resultat tangible. La liaison entre la religion et le vote est de meme nature et intensite tant au niveau provincial que federal.
Propositions on the association of a number of dimensions of religiosity with voting preferences were tested by survey data collected in Ontario at the time of the 1968 Canadian federal election. The religiosity variables include: social involvement in the religious community, doctrinal orthodoxy, devotionalism, attitudes to other religious groups and to the separate schools issue, and the religion of the candidates. Measures of social involvement had the strongest association with voting preferences while the religion of the candidate had no significant effect. The association between religion and voting was of the same kind and strength at the provincial level as at the federal.     

Voting in an Officer Election: Testing a model in a multi-site local

We test a model based on social exchange theory to explain the patterns of membership voting in a local union officer election. Survey data from members and stewards aggregated by 55 voting units, when combined with the control variable, explained 46 percent of the variance in the incumbent president's re-election. A greater percentage of member votes for the incumbent president were related to higher union loyalty, higher confidence in the grievance procedure, better union-management relations, and more positive perceptions of the union contract, findings that support our model of membership voting.     

I Am Woman,Hear Me Tweet! Gender Differences in Twitter Use among Congressional Candidates

This study synthesizes two theoretical literatures to explain gender differences in Twitter usage and effectiveness among US Congressional candidates. The first suggests that candidates in perceived disadvantaged positions, females in this case, innovate to improve their chances of success, and the second, that female politicians often adopt stereotypically masculine behaviors to be successful. On the basis of these theories, we hypothesize and confirm that female candidates are more likely than males to integrate Twitter into their campaigns, but our results are less conclusive regarding a difference in the likelihood that females use negative campaigning tactics via Twitter. Our results also indicate that those females who use Twitter more than their male counterparts tended to do better electorally, but this difference is conditional. Female Republican candidates who tweeted more increased their vote share, but the opposite is true for Democrats. We speculate that this differential effect may be a product of different audiences for social media in each party’s electorate.     

Gender Bias in Parental Leave: Evidence from Sweden

This paper estimates the effect of child gender on mothers’ and fathers’ parental leave using population-wide register data from Statistics Sweden and the Swedish Social Insurance Agency. The results showed that a first-born son increased fathers’ parental leave with 0.6 days (1.5 %) and decreased mothers’ leave by a similar amount. Both the sign and size of this effect is in line with previous research, showing that these types of biases exist also in a society with top ratings on gender equality. However, non-traditional families, with high maternal relative earnings and/or educational levels, showed even larger gender biases which suggest that it may be mothers, rather than fathers, that are the driving force behind this child gender bias.     

Preface: Foresight in 2020: Race and Gender in the Upcoming Election

This essay introduces contributions to a special issue of Sociological Forum titled “Foresight in 2020: Race and Gender in the Upcoming Election.” All articles in the issue can be accessed at the journal’s website, https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/15737861 . They will first appear under the “Early View” tab, and later in volume 35, supplement I.     

Differences in the Gender Speech

This paper mainly talks about the main features of gender speech. There are some social reasons behind those salient features of differences in gender discourse. Even slight different speech structure may bring conflicts to them. Last, it is shown that it is possible for men and women to have a nice talk with each other.     

Candidate Sex and Delegate Voting in a Pre-Primary Party Endorsement Election

The central concern of this research is to assess the impact of candidate sex on voting decisions. Some evidence on the question indicates that males are more often advantaged than females in elections with contestants of each sex. Much of the literature on which this conclusion is based is methodologically inappropriate to warrant inferences about the independent effect of candidate sex. The present study draws on data from a sample of 138 Minneapolis Democratic part delegates who responded to a mail survey about their recent participation in a ward-level caucus to endorse a candidate for City Council. The case is significant because the two main candidates-one female, one male-took qualified for office in other respects. Analysis of delegates' endorsement criteria thus offers an unusual opportunity to gauge the importance of candidate sex on vote choice. In contrast to the typical direction of electoral advantage, a substantial bias in favor of the female candidate was found to exist in this case.     

Adolescent Attitudes Toward Male and Female Political Candidates:

Adolescents' attitudes toward male and female fictional political candidates were measured in a three-factor experimental design. Male and female high school students were asked to rate the personality of male or female political candidates before and after finding out the election outcome. The students made causal attributions about the reasons for the election outcomes and predicted the personal consequences the candidates would experience. The personality ratings, causal attributions, and future consequences showed primarily outcome effects rather than sex of a subject or sex of candidate effects. The adolescents responded differentially to the fictional candidate as a function of the candidate's success or failure rather than the candidate's gender. These findings are discussed in light of real world explanations and applications.     

Do EPA Defendants Prefer Republicans? Evidence from the 2000 Election

The election of George W. Bush as U.S. president in 2000, as measured by the Iowa Electronic Market (IEM), was associated with an increase of 3% in the share price of firms that were being sued by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). This is equal to approximately $100 billion of shareholder value. This finding is robust to a number of different specifications, controlling for other litigation, case law, and industry, and is not found in an otherwise similar sample of companies without litigation outstanding. It is suggested that the enforcement of environmental law is dependent on political pressure. (JEL G18, K32, G14 )     

Gender Differences in Self-Reported Reasons for Homelessness

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate some of the ways in which the perceived pathways into homelessness are socially structured. We do this by examining the relative frequency of 11 different reasons homeless males and females cite for being homeless. Males were more likely to cite the following as their main reasons for homelessness: loss of a job, discharge from an institution, mental health problems, and alcohol or drug problems. Women were more likely to cite the following as their main reason for homelessness: eviction, interpersonal conflict, and someone no longer able or willing to help. Self-reported reasons for being homeless are also related to age, marital status, race, and being a veteran. As expected, they are also linked to receptiveness to treatment. Gender differences in reasons for homelessness may require different approaches to building helping relationships with homeless men and women.     

Gender Differences in Self-Reported Reasons for Homelessness

The purpose of this paper is to illustrate some of the ways in which the perceived pathways into homelessness are socially structured. We do this by examining the relative frequency of 11 different reasons homeless males and females cite for being homeless. Males were more likely to cite the following as their main reasons for homelessness: loss of a job, discharge from an institution, mental health problems, and alcohol or drug problems. Women were more likely to cite the following as their main reason for homelessness: eviction, interpersonal conflict, and someone no longer able or willing to help. Self-reported reasons for being homeless are also related to age, marital status, race, and being a veteran. As expected, they are also linked to receptiveness to treatment. Gender differences in reasons for homelessness may require different approaches to building helping relationships with homeless men and women.     

Myth and Reality: The ERA and the Gender Gap in the 1980 Election

Attitudes toward the Equal Rights Amendment were not an importantfactor in the emergence of the "gender gap" in the 1980 presidentialelection. Conclusions to the contrary by news analysts, feministpolitical activists, and political scientists are based on acombination of the power of expectation, faulty analysis, andrandom bias in the most frequently used survey in politicalscience. The data analyzed herein were collected by the New York Timesand CBS News and processed by the New York Times and CBS Newsunder a grant from the Russell Sage Foundation; by Warren E.Miller and the National Election Studies of the Center for PoliticalStudies at the University of Michigan; and by the National OpinionResearch Center of the University of Chicago. The data wereprovided through the Interuniversity Consortium for Politicaland Social Research of the University of Michigan. The New YorkTimes, CBS News, the CPS, NORC, and the ICPSR bear no responsibilityfor the analysis and interpretations presented here.