首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
1.
Focusing on Alexandre Millerand’s reform of the French factory inspectorate, this article highlights the dilemmas of mezzo-level administrative leadership and policy reform in states that have strong administrative capacity, but low public trust and weak associational life. Building on the insights of theories of political and bureaucratic entrepreneurship derived from studies of American political development, the article challenges their taken-for-granted assumptions and comparative applicability, and demonstrates the explanatory potential of the older sociological institutionalism exemplified in the work of Philip Selznick. In particular, the article highlights the unintended consequences of the formal and informal cooptation of targeted social groups for the reputational autonomy of administrative leaders, the (re)definition of institutional mission, and organizational success or failure.  相似文献   

2.
Political opportunity theory predicts that increased access to the political system benefits social movements by disadvantaged groups. To test this prediction, this paper evaluates the impact of two elected Hmong American officials on social movement campaigns in their community during their time in office. Content analysis of newspaper reports is used to (i) create a sample of nine local, national, and transnational social movement campaigns in the community; and (ii) determine in which of four possible ways the elected officials supported the campaigns: favorable media interviews, speeches at events, event organization, and legislation initiation. Only the two transnational campaigns which mobilized the entire community received all four types of support. The paper concludes that elected officials, even former activists from an ethnic minority community, carefully select the causes they will fully support. After electoral victory, social movements must still actively engage sympathetic politicians in order to turn an opening in the political system into actual access to power.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines recent economic and political trends constraining the production of social science knowledge. Particular attention is given to the Reagan Administration's attempt to contract public sector programs and curtail financial support for social science research. Trends in the private economy, especially within the publishing industry, that affect the production of social science knowledge are also discussed. Over the past few years, the market for social science knowledge has seriously eroded. The erosion of this market is examined within the larger framework of a shift in public policy from legitimation to capital accumulation, a shift that has accompanied right-wing ascendancy in American politics. This shift has created political and economic incentives encouraging the social science community to align more closely with conservatives.  相似文献   

4.
5.
The conventional view since the early 2000s has been that participation in higher education (HE) is a risky pathway for disadvantaged young people in England; the social risk of entering an alien environment combines with the financial risk of rising costs and questionable long-term returns. This riskiness has been constructed as a major barrier to participation. However, national administrative data cast doubt on whether this analysis still holds true. Despite significant rises in tuition fees, the proportion of disadvantaged young people entering HE has continued to rise, with advantaged groups seemingly being more price-sensitive. Data from recent qualitative studies has also suggested that young people are now less attuned to risks. This paper considers whether circumstances in wider society have shifted perceptions of risk. The volatility resulting from the global financial crisis appears to have repositioned HE as a less risky option than early entry to the labour market, especially with more jobs becoming ‘graduate’, while the social risk has declined as HE has diversified. The paper draws on theoretical perspectives from Beck, Boudon, Simon and Kahneman to argue that many disadvantaged young people now view HE as a form of ‘insurance’ against an uncertain future.  相似文献   

6.
Active labour market policies and programs (ALMPs) have over the last decades been established as main instruments to promote the transition from welfare to work. In this article we study strategies employed by Swedish municipalities to help recipients ending spells of social assistance take-up. By using a combination of quantitative and qualitative data we try to identify which approaches stand out as more successful than others with respect to social assistance duration. We have formed pairs of municipalities similar in important respects, but with different social assistance exit rates as predicted by a statistical model. Then we conducted case studies in the selected municipalities’ social assistance units, gathering information on how work is carried out and organized. Information was collected by semi-structured interviews with department managers and front-line social workers. In the interviews we identified various elements of practice that emerged as relevant, suggesting that shorter spells follow from activation with a focus on human resource development, programmes targeted at young adults, well-functioning collaboration, and use of sanctions or an overall approach characterized by systemized efforts.  相似文献   

7.
Microenterprise programs aim to foster self-employment among the poor, those on welfare, and the unemployed. The only experimental test of their impact is the Unemployment Insurance Self-Employment Demonstration (UISED). UISED did shorten unemployment spells, but most other impacts were small and the most disadvantaged did not choose to participate. Although UISED provides some weak evidence that long-term income support, long-term work-search waivers, and on-call advice may increase total employment (but perhaps not self-employment) more than capital infusions and up-front classes, UISED does not reveal the best design for microenterprise programs or whether such programs are good social investments.  相似文献   

8.
The Council on Social Work Education requires schools of social work to meet diversity and social justice competencies. Many MSW programs meet these standards by having either a dedicated diversity and social justice course, or by using some form of diversity and social justice curricular infusion. The current study explored which of these strategies is more effective. Two-hundred and eighty-six MSW students participated in this quasi-experimental design (diversity-83; infusion-97; no diversity/no infusion-106), and were assessed on multiple indices of cultural responsiveness and social justice awareness. Our findings were mixed, but indicated that a dedicated diversity and social justice course is effective at increasing students' cultural responsiveness and social justice awareness. Implications for social work pedagogy are discussed.  相似文献   

9.
Reported is the development and field testing of an evaluation model used to evaluate the vocational education programs at the Metropolitan Community Colleges (MCC) of Kansas City, Missouri which can be implemented on vocational programs at other institutions. The model evaluated a vocational program on the following six criteria: (1) program's relationship to job market profile; (2) program's level of community support; (3) program's success in meeting vocational aspirations of clientele; (4) program's success in terms of student performance; (5) program 's cost-effectiveness; and (6) program 's success in reaching the handicapped and disadvantaged. The evaluation model provides a strategy and a set of procedures for assessing the quality of existing vocational education programs of study at any post-secondary institution. The model can be easily and inexpensively implemented, thus providing a data base which is useful for administrative planning and decision making.  相似文献   

10.
The goals of this study were to test the relationship between dating violence victimization (i.e., verbal, emotional, and physical abuse) and psychological well-being (i.e., depressive symptomatology, self-esteem, and body image) among 522 African American girls, and to determine whether social support acted as a buffer of negative effects (moderator) or as an intervening factor (mediator) in the relationship between dating violence victimization and psychological well-being. Results from structural equation modeling indicated that dating violence victimization was associated with negative psychological outcomes. Although social support did not moderate this relationship, it served as a mediator of the relationship between dating violence victimization and psychological well-being. Dating violence programs for African American girls should consider how to incorporate family, church, and other networks in the community to foster support, and allow adolescent girls to discuss their abusive experiences in a nonblaming environment. If programs are able to buoy girls who experience dating violence, then they may be able to ameliorate the associated negative psychological sequelae.  相似文献   

11.
The efforts of the Reagan Administration to cut government funding for the arts and the social sciences reflects not only a general desire to curtail government spending but also a specific conservative effort to “defund the Left” by eliminating especially those programs regarded by conservatives as the basic source of liberal and radical social change in the United States. This paper examines the conservative animus against government support for the arts and the social sciences. The discussion has four parts: The first traces the history of contemporary American conservatism and identifies its central ideological themes. The second argues that the belief that government and intellectuals are the two main sources of liberal social change has led conservatives to target government programs allegedly guilty of social activism and to develop their own relatively autonomous counterintellectual network. The third examines how this political agenda and institutional structure have influenced conservative opposition to government funding of the social sciences and the arts. The final part suggests some implications our analysis has for defending the social sciences and the arts.  相似文献   

12.
Corruption is a complex and generalized phenomenon all over the world, with economical, cultural, social, psychological, political, administrative and religious dimensions. Defining and studying the phenomenon go through the most different thinking filters known in the specialist literature: economic, social-cultural, political, administrative and religious. The aim of this article is to quantify and analyze, in European Union 27 (EU27), the relationship between corruption and economic, cultural and religious determinant factors, through a regressive “pool data” model, for the period 1996–2008. The conclusion is that, in the EU27 case, social welfare, power distance, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance and religious influence significantly influence corruption. Moreover, religion attenuates uncertainty avoidance, more exactly situations such as uncertainty, the unknown, ambiguity or unexpected circumstances.  相似文献   

13.
A variety of universal school-based social and emotional learning (SEL) programs have been designed in the past decades to help children improve social–emotional and academic skills. Evidence on the effectiveness of SEL programs has been mixed in the literature. Using data from a longitudinal follow-up study of children (n = 414) originally enrolled in a clustered randomized controlled trial (RCT) when they were in Head Start, we examined whether universal SEL services in third grade were associated with the development of children from disadvantaged families. We took advantage of pairwise matching in the RCT design to compare children who had similar family background and preschool experiences but received different doses of SEL services in third grade. The results showed that the frequent (i.e., weekly to daily) exposure to SEL opportunities was associated with favorable social–emotional and academic development in third grade, including increased social skills, student–teacher relationship, and academic skills, as well as reduced impulsiveness.  相似文献   

14.
The past decade has witnessed an interesting coupling between alternative ways to produce and consume food (farmers' markets, Consumer Supported Agriculture (CSA) shares, and urban gardens to name a few) and individual health‐seeking. While much of this activity rests on an ideological rhetoric of individual choice and “lifestyleism” strongly correlated with social class, there have also been a host of very different government and policy efforts aimed at improving poor food environments and the vulnerable populations that inhabit them in the name of public health. Efforts such as zoning against fast food franchises, placing stipulations on what benefit programs like Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) can be used for, and taxing foods deemed unhealthy are sparking public debate because they cut to the heart of many American socio‐political debates: the tension between individual liberties and government intervention. Based on existing scholarship of alternative food, health, and bodies, and the author's insights gleaned from ethnographic research, this article sheds light on the potential ineffectiveness of such public health efforts despite positive – and often times class‐conscious – intentions. Such an acknowledgement raises critical questions about who benefits and who misses out in alternative food projects. While this article situates these questions squarely in the American context, it also highlights the need for other situated studies that emphasize other countries' particular political, cultural, and economic contexts that shape contemporary food systems, and their accompanying moral politics.  相似文献   

15.
Recent studies in political communication have found a generally positive role of social media in democratic engagement. However, most research on youth’s social media use in relation to their political engagement has been conducted in the context of American and European democracies. This study fills a gap in the literature by examining the effects of the uses and structural features of social media on democratic engagement in three different Asian political systems: Taiwan (young liberal democracy); Hong Kong (partial democracy); and China (one-party state). The findings showed that sharing political information and connections with public actors consistently predicted offline participation (i.e., civic and political participation) and online participation (i.e., online political expression and online activism) in the three political systems. Although social media use for news, network size, and network structure did not consistently predict political outcomes, they played significant roles in influencing different engagement in the three political systems. The comparative approach used in this study helped to demonstrate the role of social media in the democratic engagement of youth in three places with similar cultures but different political contexts.  相似文献   

16.
Using data from the 1980 National Election Study, we examinethe claims (1) that those voters who shifted to Ronald Reaganin 1980 ("New Republicans") were drawn disproportionately fromthe lower to middle strata of the population: (2) that theywere social conservatives motivated by issues like abortionand ERA: and (3) that they were more religious and alienatedfrom the federal government than average. Our results stronglysuggest that all of these assertions are false and thus questionthe emergence of a "neopopulist" or "Middle American Radical"political constituency on the right wing of American politics.Our findings also have implications for prominent theories aboutconservative political movements and about the changing natureof party politics in a postindustrial society.  相似文献   

17.
This paper examines the international context in which American social science was institutionalized in the generation after the Civil War, following the foundation of the American Social Science Association in 1865. The ASSA was modelled on an influential British forum, founded eight years previously, the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science. A comparison of these two organisations from the 1860s to the 1880s allows consideration of British intellectual and political influences on the first American social scientists. It also helps in the identification of the social and political attitudes of the well-born, cosmopolitan, and high-minded American reformers attracted to social science at this time. The theme of American exceptionalism has recently been emphasized when considering the motives and intentions of early social science in the United States. It is argued here that the replication in America of models of the new discipline which were first developed in Britain, is indicative also of a self-conscious internationalism among the American social-scientific community of this period. In addition to an institutional comparison, the article examines the careers and ideas of several representative figures in this process of Anglo-American liberal transference, among them the physician Dr. Edward Jarvis, the feminist Caroline Healey Dall, the jurist David Dudley Field, and the famed British interpreter of American experience, James Bryce.  相似文献   

18.
The phenomenon of declining political trust among the American public has been widely discussed, with the explanations often focusing on specific historical events or the unique problems of American political institutions. We first demonstrate that public doubts about politicians and government are spreading across almost all advanced industrial democracies. The pervasiveness of this trend suggests that common social forces are affecting these nations, and we examine the social correlates of the decrease in trust. We find the greatest declines are among the better-educated and upper social status. These results suggest that changing citizen expectations, rather than the failure of governments, are prompting the erosion of political support in advanced industrial democracies.  相似文献   

19.
The main objectives of social assistance benefits, including poverty alleviation and labor-market or social reintegration, can be seriously compromised if support is difficult to access. While recent studies point to high non-take-up rates, existing evidence does not make full use of the information recorded by benefit agencies. Most studies have to rely on interview-based data, with misreporting and measurement errors affecting the variables needed to establish both benefit receipt and benefit entitlement. In this paper, we exploit a unique combination of Finnish administrative data and eligibility simulations based on the tax-benefit calculator of the Finnish authorities, carefully investigating the measurement issues that remain. We find rates of non-take-up that are both substantial and robust: 40 to 50% of those eligible do not claim. Using repeated cross-section estimations for years 1996?C2003, we identify a set of stable determinants of claiming behavior and suggest that changes in behavior could drive the observed downward trend in take-up rates during the post-recession period. We discuss the poverty implications of our results.  相似文献   

20.
J Miller  M M Dore 《Child welfare》1991,70(4):437-449
The overwhelming obstacles to effective CPS intervention created by increasing reports of abuse and neglect, funding shortfalls, and the lack of qualified workers have prompted national efforts to reform the public child welfare system in the United States. Organizations such as the American Public Welfare Association, the Children's Defense Fund, the Child Welfare League of America, and the National Association of Social Workers are currently working closely with other national organizations to develop legislative proposals that will enable child welfare agencies to be more responsive to the needs of children and families. A critical component of this reform is the need to recruit, train, and retain qualified and competent CPS workers. The four training programs described in this article are examples of innovative programs seeking to enhance service delivery by enhancing the knowledge and skills of their staff members. Although the four programs were developed in very different political and social climates and within diverse organizational structures, they all provide useful lessons in how to develop efficient and effective training for workers delivering protective services for children. Any national, state, or local efforts to design and develop new CPS training programs should take into account the significant strides made by these agencies.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号