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1.
Productive ageing recognises the contribution of older people to economic, social and cultural growth and helps build a sustainable community. Being involved in community life is good for individuals and good for society. However, we know very little about the participation of and contribution by people aged 50 and over in rural communities. This research aimed to develop a better understanding of productive ageing in different types of communities in rural Victoria, Australia. An anonymous self-complete postal questionnaire was distributed to a sample of households in twenty rural communities using the Australia Post Unaddressed Select Service. Those householders 50 years of age and older were invited to complete the survey. Data collected allowed examination of social and civic engagement, familiarity with community, the value placed on social relations by people aged 50 years and over, and how community involvement was linked to community sustainability. In particular it attempts to address the question ‘Does social and civic engagement differ across declining, stable and growing rural communities?’ Despite differences among rural communities, this study showed that older people develop and maintain strong community connections and well-functioning social capital and that participation in social activities was associated with feelings of being connected with community. It also identified health issues and lack of options as the main constraints on participation. A key message for policy makers is that older people play an important role in the sustainability of rural communities. There is much to be gained from actively supporting their participation in activities that are connected to ageing well.  相似文献   

2.
In this article, I examine voting patterns in origin and receiving country national elections among immigrants in Europe. The existing scholarship on transnational political engagement offers two competing interpretations of the relationship between immigrant integration and transnational engagement, which I classify as the resocialization and complementarity perspectives. The resocialization perspective assumes that transnational political engagement gradually declines as immigrants become socialized into the new receiving society. Conversely, the complementarity perspective assumes that immigrant integration increases transnational political engagement. I test these competing perspectives with survey data collected between 2004 and 2008 for 12 different immigrant groups residing in seven European cities. The analysis examines how immigrant political and civic participation in receiving countries affect their proclivities to vote in homeland elections. I also analyse the effects of receiving and origin country contexts on immigrant voting behaviour in homeland elections. While my findings support both the resocialization and complementarity perspectives, they also highlight the ways in which a set of origin‐country contexts shape immigrant propensities to engage in transnational electoral politics. I observe a degree of complementarity among immigrants with resources who are motivated and eligible to participate in both receiving and origin‐country elections.  相似文献   

3.
Do farmers who participate in local food systems attach greater importance to civic engagement than farmers whose livelihood is not tied to the vitality of local markets? The literature on local food as a social movement continues to paint a picture of local food systems as contributing to, and benefiting from, rich networks of civil society groups. Yet to date, few studies have directly addressed the question of whether marketing local food is actually associated with higher levels of civic engagement among farmers. In this paper, I draw on local capitalism theory to identify two different mechanisms—depth of economic reliance on local markets, and breadth of social networks related to local food sales—that might spur farmers who market local food to feel more responsible for their communities. Then, using data from a large-scale survey of specialty crop growers, I explore whether a relationship exists between farmer involvement with local food markets and attitudes toward civic engagement. Results suggest that while farmers strongly committed to local food markets attach greater importance to civic engagement, participation in multiple categories or kinds of local food supply chains is not necessarily associated with stronger civic values.  相似文献   

4.
It is often assumed that organic farming is synonymous with sustainable agriculture. The broad goals of sustainable agriculture include economic profitability, environmental stewardship, and community vitality. However, the “question of sustainability” (Ikerd, 2008) can be asked of any type of farming, including organic production. One way to assess sustainability is to consider farmers’ perceptions of the sustainability of their operations. I draw on data from a survey of certified organic producers in Washington State to broaden our understanding of the sustainability of organic agriculture. Specifically, I consider certified organic producers’ perceptions of the degree to which their operations contribute to broad sustainable agriculture goals. Moreover, I use multiple regression to investigate how these perceived contributions are influenced by farm conventionalization variables (e.g., organic acreage, non-organic sales, and specialization) and civic engagement variables (e.g., direct marketing, community group membership, and participation in sustainable/organic agriculture organizations) while controlling for farmer demographics and farm location. Farm conventionalization appears to have a significant negative effect on perceived contributions to environmental and social sustainability, but a significant positive effect on perceived contribution to economic sustainability. Civic engagement appears to have a significant positive effect on perceived contributions to environmental and social sustainability, but no effect on perceived contribution to economic sustainability.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract A number of dimensions of the democratic political process are important for understanding civic communities and civic engagement. While many of these aspects have been examined at the federal level, less is known about how these dynamics operate at the local level, especially in rural communities, and that, moreover, involve a specific issue. In this study, we explore the relationships between trust in public officials, views of the decision‐making process, and issue‐related involvement in a rural community in Utah. In particular, we examine the factors underpinning citizens' expressed levels of general trust in public officials, support for the decision‐making process in their community related to a specific issue, the factors influencing individuals to participate in the issue, and how citizens view various groups involved in defining the public good related to the specific issue. We find 1) that perceptions of the political process influence all three aspects of the democratic process, 2) that neither lack of trust nor dissatisfaction appears to be detrimental to the democratic process at the local level, and 3) that differences in opinion regarding definitions of the public good intersect with other aspects of the political process. This research sheds light on factors influencing rural community functioning and citizen responses to proposed changes. In discussing the results, we reflect in particular on their implications for rural communities.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract Routes to economic development attract considerable attention in community and rural sociology. Social scientists draw increasingly on studies of social capital and environmental surroundings as they examine the factors that facilitate and inhibit economic development. However, few empirical analyses exist that analyze the impact of the combination of social infrastructure and natural capital on different forms of economic development such as on industrial recruitment and self‐development. Using data collected from six communities in Washington State, the interaction of a community's social infrastructure and natural capital on industrial recruitment and self‐development efforts is examined. Results suggest that while natural capital positively impacts a community's successful recruitment of outside industries, it is not significant for a community's level of self‐development. However, a community's social infrastructure, measured by the existence of active civic organizations, local businesses that support local community projects, community‐wide fund‐raising capacity, and extra‐local linkages to nearby communities, state, and national agencies, positively affects both industrial recruitment and self‐development. These findings illustrate the need for communities and local activists to carefully weigh their advantages and potential shortcomings when deciding on an economic development strategy.  相似文献   

7.
Commonly known as “civic engagement,” getting involved within communities in a formalized way has served a foundational role in the development of the United States. Missing from foundational conceptualizations of analyses is theoretical and empirical research that does not center White people and experiences. In this article, I argue that researchers need to incorporate an understanding of Black American's relationship with civic engagement to increase the accuracy of literature on civic engagement. Toward this goal, I first outline the foundational conceptualizations of civic engagement. I next discuss the limitations of civic engagement theories with a focus on data sources and the exclusion of non‐White persons within foundational texts. I then highlight the historical civic activities of Black Americans that has been foregrounded in research on Black voluntary associations. This project pushes for a discussion on the relationship between civic engagement and race with a focus on Black Americans that is relevant to sociological understandings of civil society. I conclude by discussing how filling this gap has a far‐reaching impact in the field of collective behavior and social movements.  相似文献   

8.
9.
This study focuses on stresses, coping strategies, and satisfactions of respondents in eight economically distressed rural counties in the state of Washington. An adult sample is divided into two groups: those who indicate specific economic problems and/or are unemployed (n=236) and those who are still employed and do not report specific economic stresses (n=190). Although those with specific economic problems show higher levels of perceived stress and financial dissatisfaction, there are no differences reported in over-all family satisfaction. Results point to the importance of providing specific employment-related community services to family members in these types of communities.Dorothy Z. Price, Ph.D. is a Professor in the Department of Child and Family Studies, Washington State University, Pullman WA 99164-2010. Her research interests include decision making and consumer behavior. She received her Ph.D. from Michigan State University.Lonnie J. Dunlap, M.A., is a Graduate Research Assistant in the Interdisciplinary Ph.D. Program, Washington State University, Pullman, WA 99164-2010. Her research interests include work and family interactions and career development.  相似文献   

10.
Historical contributions of Black youth voices and actions are overlooked from many of the narratives of youth civic engagement (YCE) literature. Specifically, the histories and stories of African American youth in the United States and Black Caribbean youth in the Anglophone Caribbean. The shared socio and political obstacles these particular groups have encountered throughout history shaped similar paths for their involvement in civic society to address many of these social and racial injustices. The article's premise centers on the need for the YCE literature to acknowledge the historical civic contributions African American and Black Caribbean youth have made throughout history. Fundamental historical civic movements that were designed, developed, and supported by Black youth set the tone of Black youth's civic engagement throughout history. These were shaped and contextualized by three specific macrosystem influences (political suppression, institutional racism, and cultural oppression). When YCE scholars begin to make greater meaning of the foundations and critical work developed by Black youth civic activists, a more comprehensive field emerges. With the acknowledgment and inclusion of civic contributions created and implemented during historical eras, more profound meaning is gained of civic engagement among communities and people who have generally been disenfranchised. Coming to terms with their civic legacies developed from racial injustices provides a more comprehensive depiction of civic engagement as a field and body of literature.  相似文献   

11.
We investigate the relationship between homeownership and personal sense of mastery in the transition to adulthood and examine whether three important adult transitions (employment, marriage/cohabitation, and parenthood) moderate the impact of homeownership on mastery. Utilizing the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—Young Adult Sample (= 1,609), we estimate change models to assess the direct effects of homeownership on mastery as well as whether this impact is modified by the transition to adult roles. Homeownership increases the sense of mastery among young adults. Homeowners who are unemployed paradoxically receive a boost to mastery not experienced by those who are employed, and homeowners who are parents experience increased mastery, compared to those who do not have children. Owning a home has a positive influence on young adults' sense of mastery during a period when their mastery is in flux and they are accumulating new roles.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

This paper aims to analyze the overall picture of Indonesian civic engagement, particularly among Palangka Raya university students. Through a quantitative approach and survey method, the population and sample of the research include the students who were on their fourth (2015/2016) and second (2016/2017) semester about 2,422 students. The answers were then divided into three categories: good, moderate, and poor. As for the civic attitude and civic behavior variables, the maximum value is 5 and the minimum 1, and then the answers were divided into five categories: very high, high, moderate, low and very low. Findings reveal (i) the similarity of civic engagement in each faculty and level of the students who are on their fourth and second semester is in moderate category in terms of their knowledge based on identifying the governmental process, rights, and duties of citizens in terms of laws and politics, as well as the lecturers; (ii) the similarity of the high category of their attitude based on the values of humanity, empathy, openness, tolerance, ethics, and social responsibility; (iii) the difference of civic engagement between the second semester students who are low and the fourth semester who are high in terms of their behavior is determined by learning experience where the fourth semester students are more experienced in coping with the problems in community than the second semester counterparts. Recommendation for future research is the exploration of the reason behind the emerging unsynchronized results between the Indonesian civic knowledge, attitude, and behavior.  相似文献   

13.
Immigrant incorporation scholars have established that racialized immigrant parents encounter several barriers in their children's schooling: namely, language and cultural differences, discrimination, unfamiliarity with the U.S. schooling system, and unhelpful school agents. However, less is known about the mechanisms that lessen these challenges. Drawing on insights from immigrant incorporation and civic engagement literature, this study examines how advocacy organizations can mediate the barriers racialized immigrant parents face in their children's schooling. A case study of 20 Latina immigrant mothers is used to demonstrate how civically engaged parents drew on their participation with a local advocacy organization—Parent's Choice—to overcome the barriers that emerged during the transition to remote learning due to the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. Findings suggest that immigrant mothers leveraged their connection to Parent's Choice to learn how to use technology, get district-related updates, secure devices necessary for at-home learning, create complaints or demands for services at their children's school, fill out paperwork, and access community-based referrals. Parent's Choice provided support and empowered Latina immigrant parents by minimizing the overwhelming barriers they faced during online learning. These findings complicate our understanding of immigrant civic engagement patterns and provide implications of how civic engagement can facilitate the incorporation of marginalized parents in educational institutions.  相似文献   

14.
Hancock TU 《Child welfare》2005,84(5):689-711
Increasing numbers of poor Mexican immigrant families are settling in the rural southeastern United States. Most of these families are from isolated agrarian communities in Mexico and are headed by unskilled laborers or displaced farm workers with little education. Child welfare workers and other service providers in rural communities may be poorly prepared to address the needs of this population. This article provides an overview of the cultural, social, and family dynamics of first generation, working class Mexicans to promote cultural competency among helping professionals. An ecological perspective is used to examine the strengths that poor Mexicans bring from their culture of origin, stresses of the migratory experience and ongoing adaptation, shifts that may occur in family structure and functioning, disruptions in the family life cycle, the role of social supports in family adaptation, and effect of institutional discrimination on family well-being. Suggestions also are made for essential components of adequate in-service education.  相似文献   

15.
This study uses an asset-based approach to examine the ways social and human capital accessed through civic engagement may serve as a pathway toward economic opportunity for low-income individuals. Using a qualitative approach, this study draws on interviews with 31 low-income individuals who are civically engaged in a range of activities, including community organizing, giving money, informal engagement, religious participation, and volunteering. Findings contribute to the literature suggesting that study participants were often able to mobilize and deploy the social and human capital assets accumulated through different types of civic engagement into employment and education opportunities. However, embedded within social and human capital assets are also examples of the ways structural factors influenced whether study participants could transfer social and human capital assets acquired through civic engagement into economic opportunities.  相似文献   

16.
Historically, the rate of black homeownership has been low compared to nonblacks. The purpose of this study is to assess the extent to which levels of black homeownership are determined by selected social factors and racial discrimination. The findings reveal that blacks are less likely to be homeowners in nearly every sociodemographic category. The one exception is the finding that elderly blacks are more likely than blacks and nonblacks in all other age categories to be homeowners.  相似文献   

17.
《Rural sociology》2018,83(2):244-269
In many parts of rural America, agrofood producers compete for a larger share of global markets by mechanizing, deskilling, and flexibly relocating to reduce labor costs. They recruit new immigrant workers but sow transience rather than sustainable rural growth. The industrialization of U.S. dairy farming appears to be aligned with these processes, and yet the large‐scale dairy farmers who have replaced small craft producers face a paradox: The more they rationalize production on their farms, the more vulnerable their herds become to stress and illness, compromising production. Focusing on three competing dairies in Kansas, I examine how farmers variously organize work among immigrant employees to promote herd health while expanding their operations. Evidence from 22 months of ethnographic research and repeated interviews with farm owners, managers, employees, and extension agents suggests that enhancing production requires promoting employee citizenship at work—especially among immigrant employees possessing the fewest citizenship rights outside of work. In contrast to the high labor turnover endemic to other forms of industrialized food production, the distinctive human‐animal relations central to dairying encourage farm owners and employees to cooperate, with promising results for farms and rural communities.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

In recent decades, the rapid and unprecedented expansion of the Latino immigrant population has dramatically reshaped the face of American society. Unfortunately, current scholarship on this topic largely overlooks a key cohort: adolescent and young adult Latino immigrants. Our lack of understanding regarding the political inclinations of this population is highly problematic if we wish to know where Latino politics is headed in the coming decades. Data from The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health are used to systematically explore and test the core assumptions of several competing assimilation theories applied to Latino immigrant youths. Bivariate analyses suggest that young Hispanic immigrants lag behind their non-Latino and Black and White peers in electoral participation and political partisanship, and minimal differences are noted in commitment to key civic orientations. However, regression analyses that include controls for SES and other contextual variables in most cases reveal no differences between young Latino immigrants and their peers in their commitment to political engagement and crucial civic values. On the whole, our findings largely confirm the expectations of mainline assimilation theory and suggest young Latino immigrants are trending toward integration into the national civic community.  相似文献   

19.
Youth's low level of civic and political engagement may detrimentally affect the health of communities and the democratic system. This paper examines the role of community attachment in explaining youth's levels of civic and engagement. This examination requires an evaluation of existing measures of community attachment and their relevance for understanding youth's experiences. The paper uses a student sample, highlighting a group of youth who have a degree of variation in their experiences of community attachment. We find that subjective measures of community attachment are related to volunteering and voting, but the objective measure of community attachment, that is, years of residence, affects voting and not volunteering. Different mechanisms explain civic engagement versus political engagement. As such, different strategies are required to combat low levels of civic versus political engagement. Le manque d'engagement civique et politique de la jeunesse peut avoir un effet néfaste sur la santé des communautés et sur le système démocratique. Cet article examine le rôle de l'appartenance communautaire pour expliquer le niveau de participation civique et politique des jeunes. Cette recherche nécessite une évaluation des mesures existantes de l'appartenance à une communauté et de leur pertinence pour la compréhension des expériences des jeunes. Cet article se base sur un groupe d'étudiants pour illustrer une population de jeunes avec un niveau d'attachement communautaire variable. Nous avons remarqué que les mesures subjectives de l'attachement à la communauté sont liées au bénévolat et au vote, alors que les mesures objectives de l'attachement, comme la durée de résidence, affecte le vote et non le bénévolat. De différents processus peuvent expliquer l'engagement civique par rapport à l'engagement politique. Ainsi, des stratégies différentes sont nécessaires pour lutter contre la faiblesse des niveaux de participation civique et politique.  相似文献   

20.
《Journal of Socio》2001,30(2):133-137
When President Clinton took Congressional and business leaders on a tour early this summer to places where chronic poverty has persisted despite the nation’s booming economy, they visited Appalachia’s coalfields, the Mississippi Delta, the Pine Ridge Indian reservation and inner-city neighborhoods in East St. Louis and Los Angeles. They did not visit New England. Not that New England’s inner cities aren’t plagued with poverty and social problems; they are. And many poor families are struggling to get by in rural Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont. Yet the notoriously bad conditions that took the president to the nation’s “poverty pockets” are exceedingly rare in the six-state region. Why? Why have poverty rates stayed so high in the South compared with New England? And what can the region expect in the future?The answers lie in the kind of civic culture generated by each community’s economy and social structure. Chronically poor places are divided by race and class and saddled with corrupt politics, ineffective schools, and self-interested elites. Distrustful of one another, people in these places look out only for their own families. Escaping poverty is possible only for the lucky few who have a kind relative, caring teacher, or coach who pushes and inspires them to finish school and aim high. But most stay trapped in the same poor conditions their parents and perhaps grandparents knew.In contrast, when communities have a large middle class, the poor are less likely to be cut off from the mainstream. And they are more likely to have the set of contacts, habits and skills—the cultural tool kit—they need to leave poverty behind. More importantly, the community institutions that poor families rely upon are more likely to be effective because the middle class is committed to them. The poor can get ahead without relying solely on personal intervention from a mentor or other benefactor.During the 1990s, I studied poverty and community change in three remote, rural communities: a poor Appalachian coal county I call “Blackwell,” a poor Mississippi Delta plantation community I call “Dahlia” and a more stable and economically diverse northern New England mill community, “Gray Mountain.” The idea was to learn why poverty persisted generation after generation in Appalachia and the Delta, what made the difference when people did achieve upward mobility, and why it was so hard to bring about change. I examined 100 years of Census data detailing changes in population, patterns of work, income distribution and education. I read histories of each region, as well as the local weekly newspapers. But the heart of the study is the 350 in-depth interviews colleagues and I conducted with people living in these communities—not only the poor, but also the rich and those in between. These open-ended conversations revealed how each community’s civic culture—its level of trust, participation and investment—shapes opportunities for both individual mobility and social change.  相似文献   

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