中国春节的异域情调

随着全球化趋势的不断加快,有着几千年深厚积淀的中国春节文化在海外日渐升温,春节逐渐成为整个世界的狂欢.在世界各地,凡是有华人的地方,都能感受到浓郁的中国年味.独具特色的中国春节不仅吸引了众多异族人士的积极参与,甚至引起了主流社会的高度关注,各国总统和首相或通过接见华人代表、书面致辞等方式向华人拜年,或亲自参与盛大的"新春团拜"和狂欢.在中西文化的不断的交流和碰撞中,古老的春节年俗在散发着浓郁的中国韵味的同时,也掺入了几许异域情调.     

甘南旅游文化述论

高原观光旅游 甘南藏族自治州地处祖国的腹地，青藏高原的东部边缘，甘肃省的西南面，其地势地貌属青藏高原与黄土高原的接壤地带，特殊的地理位置造就了多姿秀美的山河。境内纵横交错的阿尼玛卿山、西倾山、岷山，均属昆仑山脉的余脉，其主峰高度为3500——4500米之间，最高峰为岷山山脉的迭山主峰措美，为4920米，永久积雪覆盖，     

罗红:被非洲征服的人

非洲进驻北京地铁站 11月底的北京,隆冬的气息已悄悄潜伏;地铁站里,匆匆来往的人,某一天突然发现过道两边墙上原来贴满的各种商业广告竟被一批展现壮美非洲和野生动物自由活动的巨幅摄影作品替代了.那神奇精美、气势宏大、呼之欲出的云雾中的乞力马扎罗山、黄昏的纳库鲁湖、徜徉在草原上的长颈鹿、遮天蔽日的火烈鸟群……散发着清新、浓郁的大自然的气息,让天天为生计不停奔波的人眼前一亮,不自觉放慢脚步,开始流连.     

龙舟,把历史纺织在5月的江上

<正>棕子飘香的5月,这是一个民族悠远的记忆。我随着屈子的故事,寻着苦艾的清香,踏着历史的舞步,唱着传统节日的歌谣伫立江边,取一片棕叶包裹历史的哀怨,任内心生痛的粽子沉入水底,如一滴久违的凝重的泪,诉说着诗人无尽的悲哀。苍天无语,大地默然。屈子飞翔的姿势如同一个凝重的惊叹号,镶嵌在大地与岁月之间,让人倍感一种随风飘逝的沧桑。于是在时光的彼岸,     

民国时期青海城镇市场述论

民国时期青海的城镇市场在原有基础上有了一定发展,虽然许多地方仍不尽人意,但还是对传统的军事和交通重镇模式有所突破,商贸业的顺利运营在城镇发展过程中起着越来越突出的作用.文章以西宁、湟源、结古、鲁沙尔4个具有代表性的城镇市场的发育状况为例,指出它们各自的发展缘由与特点,并归纳出民国时期青海城镇市场的总体特征,以期对此领域有较为明晰的认识和科学的总结.     

七旬老人——山乡田野劳动掠影

"在一望无际金黄的田野里,她捧着饱满的麦穗,镶着假牙的嘴乐开了花,灰白的发丝在太阳的照耀下闪着点点星光,任凭脸上的沟壑爬满时光的藤蔓……"这是南国山乡田野一位劳动老人的笑脸,灿烂的笑,是劳动者的骄傲,是收获的欣喜,是山乡田野的美丽与灿烂。     

试论全球化与族群文化的自主性问题

全球化是人类社会发展的新型模式和客观趋势.在文化生存竞争中,族群文化需要建构自身的合法性和自主性,为此,我们可以借鉴德国文化的经验,在国家层面上也需要法律的有力支持以及经济、道德等相关因素的充分协调.对此,本文做了一点尝试性的理论分析.     

固始汗和格鲁派在西藏统治的建立和巩固

明末清初,格鲁派联合蒙古和硕特部固始汗,推翻统治西藏大部分地区的第悉藏巴政权,取得了对西藏的统治。这一统治地位的建立,经过了几十年尖锐复杂的斗争,而巩固统治也经历了长时期的外部和内部的斗争。本文综合各种资料对这一历史过程作了细致的分析探讨,并解释了历史上的一些疑难问题。     

对西藏青作农业起源的再认识

一、西藏青作农业起源的演进问题青稞作物农业的起源与青稞的起源是两个性质不同的问题。青稞作物农业的起源是青藏高原农耕先民从事青稞栽培生产活动的伊始 ,而青稞的起源指的是裸粒和无芒的西藏山地大麦类群来源于何种科、属植物的问题。前者讨论的是人的社会生产活动 ,而后者则是物种的自然形成。尽管“青作农业”的对象是青稞 ,但实际上“青作农业的起源”却不是由“青稞”本身决定的。也就是说 ,当初农耕民栽培青稞的起因 ,决非因为自然界存在青稞的野生品种 ,而是由社会、自然条件所决定的。由此 ,“青作农业的起源”、“青稞的起源”…     

《猫眼宝石串链》——藏族族源及藏文新议

藏族的宗教和文化能否永存下去，主要靠藏族自己，尤其要靠正在成长的藏族年轻人。藏族的宗教和文化要发展，不能仅靠年轻人的勉强和偏见，而要对藏族宗教和文化有一种良好的觉悟。成长的藏族年轻人能不能对藏族宗教、文化和历史有深刻的认识，一方面有赖于年轻人自己的追求，更重要的是有赖于对藏族宗教、文化和历史有研究和见地的老一代学者们对年轻一代的培养和指导。 在此我就把藏族文化的渊源及历史，简要的告诉给成长着的藏族年轻人，如果想知道得详细一点，不妨参看我写的《猫眼宝石串链》一书。 一、藏族 通常认为，藏族属黄种人或…     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.     

“物”的人类学研究

物作为人类学的研究对象,始于社会达尔文主义把物作为社会发展阶段的标识来分析社会演进的阶序.此后不同学派出于论证、分析的需要,各自阐释物及物背后的社会关系与文化隐喻,本文从物与社会演进与象征符号的角度,对人类学关于物的研究谱系进行部分的梳理,论述人类学在以"物"为研究对象时的方法论与认识论.     

Citizenship, ‘rubbished’ dissidents and local restoration of the dead – the execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran

The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979–1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a ‘remote’ periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this ‘crime’ than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been ‘rubbished’ – wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues ‘rubbishing’ signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring ‘the most corrupt’ subject, the sinner who could not even be ‘rectified’ through a less destructive use of force – flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of – ‘rubbished’. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the ‘immortality’ of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of ‘the pen’, in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated ‘rifle’, to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal – objectified – political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.     

元代女真人与回回人入仕广西及其活动的比较研究--以乌古孙泽、伯笃鲁丁为典型

广西地处祖国南疆,由于地理位置的重要性和民族问题的复杂性,元政府十分重视对广西民族地区的设治与控制,委派大批流官前来会同少数民族首领共同管理.女真人乌古孙泽、回回人伯笃鲁丁先后于世祖、顺帝时期入仕广西,力而行之,为民族地区社会经济与文教事业的发展作出了各具代表性的历史贡献.他们的政治活动与观念行为尽管具有一定的时代和阶级局限性,但客观上对民族地区社会发展所起的促进作用仍不可低估.事实表明,广西民族历史的发展,是各兄弟民族携手共进的结果.     

中国穆斯林人口分布格局浅析

人口分布格局 ,既是人在空间分布上呈现出来的地理状态 ,又是许多附着于分布环境上的社会人文变量的外在表现 ,因此对其进行研究具有探索自然和认识社会的双重意义。本文就中国穆斯林人口的分布格局进行探讨 ,从历史和现实两方面分析了形成这种分布的原因 ,旨在挖掘出隐藏其后的信息     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

Governing multicultural Brussels: paradoxes of a multi-level,multi-cultural,multi-national urban anomaly

ABSTRACT

Updating our earlier work on Brussels as the paradigm of a multi-level, multi-cultural, multi-national city, and in the context of Brussels’s recent troubled emergence as the epicentre of violent conflict between radical political Islam and the West, this paper sets out the paradoxical intersection of national (i.e. Flemish and Francophone), non-national and ethnic minority politics in a city placed as a multi-cultural and multi-national ‘urban anomaly’ at the heart of linguistic struggle of the two dominant Belgian communities. Brussels is one of the three Regions of the Belgian federal model alongside Flanders and Wallonia. It is also an extraordinarily diverse and cosmopolitan city, in which a mixed language Belgian population lives alongside very high numbers of resident non-nationals, including European elites, other European immigrant workers, and immigrants from Africa and Asia. After laying out the complex distribution of power and competences within the Belgian federal structure, we explore whether these structures have worked over the years to include or exclude disadvantaged ethnic groups. To better understand these processes, we introduce our view of the multi-level governance perspective.     

赣南客家风水信仰的人类学分析

赣南是客家风水的发祥地,风水信仰在客家人的日常生活中占有极其重要的地位,在历史上赣南风水信仰更是盛极一时.风水研究学者大多从建筑学、地理学、生态学等角度对风水信仰进行解析,而从人类学角度对风水信仰进行解读的并不是太多.据笔者分析,赣南风水信仰在历史上盛极一时且直到今天仍在日常生活中占有极其重要的地位主要有以下几个方面的原因:生存环境的客观需要、祖宗崇拜的需要、儒家文化的影响、经济发展与资源争夺的需要、巫文化的影响等.对于风水信仰进行人类学解析可以使我们避免风水信仰到底是科学还是迷信的无谓论争,对于我们从局内人的观点、从文化相对论的角度对风水文化进行理解具有积极的意义.     

Philosophy of interculturality: philosophy of humanism for our time

Referring to the philosophical reflection on interculturality as presented by Raúl Fornet-Betancourt, I confront the process of globalization, which is based on a single economy, homogenization of culture, and equalization of differences, with the interculturality that is based on a dialogue and movement toward a union of nations and cultures economically, politically, socially, and spiritually. The starting point of Fornet-Betancourt’s philosophy of interculturality is culture, understood as the realm of freedom, creativity, and realization of each human being. A right to material necessities and economic development represents the precondition for free development, liberation, and realization of every culture, especially the poor. Interculturality is always rooted in a specific context of philosophical thought. Contextualization of the thought does not prevent us from communication and the search for universality, but it teaches us that our search for universality cannot be based on some abstract and formal principles. True universality is based on a historical contextualization of human life in a given culture. Each culture is a micro-universe, which, together with other universes, through interaction creates a macro-universe. By creating conditions of social justice and equality, we guarantee a free interaction of cultures on the one side, and on the other, a mutual transformation of their lifestyles, work, community organization, education, and so forth. The philosophy of interculturality promulgates a debordering process for the cultures to go beyond the borders of globalization homogeneity with its unilateral future based on consumerism and profit, towards a humanity of different and mutually enriching futures.     

Queering the war dead: gold star families and the politics of estrangement

ABSTRACT

Contemporary practices of mourning individuals lost to war violence assert correct and incorrect practices of grieving. Successful practices will emphasize the heroism and the sacrifice of the war dead, centralizing the role of American values in the act of dying for one’s country. To not honor the war dead successfully is seen as a betrayal of their sacrifice and an ethical failure. Through a critical reading of Gold Star Families and the identity politics surrounding acts of mourning, I argue that the social norms acting as guideposts for processes of mourning over-determine relationships and identities in ways that perpetuate a violence that is seen as redemptive. Working towards alternatives to these practices, I argue that a queer relationality can disrupt the idealized constructions of redemptive violence constitutive to notions of successful mourning. A queering of the war dead refuses to allow mourning to be dismissed as unsuccessful if grieving is anything other than the assignment of war hero, patriot, or the solidification of an American identity for those killed by war violence. Ultimately, I argue that acts of queering the war dead have potential to challenge the proliferation of dominant practices that tie a militarized redemptive violence to normalized identities.