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1.
"政教合一"是伊斯兰教的特性,这是它区别于其他宗教的显著特征.但是,作为一种入世性宗教,伊斯兰教是随着时代的进步不断发展的.在当代中东国家,存在着多种伊斯兰思潮.这些思潮虽有不同,但与穆斯林的生活密切相关的特性却始终如一,对中东社会的发展影响很大.  相似文献   

2.
阿拉伯伊斯兰文化在阿拔斯朝初期定型,确立了以伊斯兰教为核心的哲学、理性、宗教相统一的制度宗教文化特性。在近代,进行了一定程度的现代化整合。冷战后期开始发展至今的全球化,在某种程度上出现了超越现代化的趋向,是一个统一与断裂的平行矛盾体,对阿拉伯伊斯兰文化的生存和发展是机遇又是挑战。阿拉伯伊斯兰文化必须展开新一轮的整合,才能在全球华进程中找到自己的位置并发扬光大。从短期看,这一整合仍将以宗教为核心,并面对不利的内外环境,但只要顺应时代潮流,阿拉伯伊斯兰文化将走出困境,并对全球文化的发展做出贡献。  相似文献   

3.
马图里迪学派(El—Maturidiyyah)系伊斯兰教逊尼派教义学的两大支柱学派之一。在伊斯兰社会转型时期,马图里迪学派从当时多民族、多宗教的社会现实出发,建构了一个旨在论证和阐述伊斯兰教义的学科体系,为多元的伊斯兰社会奠定了统一的理论基础。这一体系不仅注重理性的作用,而且倡导宗教的宽容、温和与中正,开创了以中正原则为基础的逊尼派教义传统,成为历代穆斯林中正主义的思想源泉。加强对马图里迪学派的研究,不仅对正确把握当代阿拉伯世界伊斯兰主流思潮"中间主义"的历史渊源,发扬伊斯兰教中正思想以及抑制极端主义思潮有极大的帮助,而且对促进我国与伊斯兰世界的文化交流,加深双方的合作具有重要的战略意义。  相似文献   

4.
阿拉伯伊斯兰文化在阿拔斯朝初期定型,确立了以伊斯兰教为核心的哲学、理性、宗教相统一的制度宗教文化特性.在近代,进行了一定程度的现代化整合.冷战后期开始发展至今的全球化,在某种程度上出现了超越现代化的趋向,是一个统一与断裂的平行矛盾体,对阿拉伯伊斯兰文化的生存和发展是机遇又是挑战.阿拉伯伊斯兰文化必须展开新一轮的整合,才能在全球化进程中找到自己的位置并发扬光大.从短期看,这一整合仍将以宗教为核心,并面对不利的内外环境,但只要顺应时代潮流,阿拉伯伊斯兰文化将走出困境,并对全球文化的发展做出贡献.  相似文献   

5.
清真寺建筑的特色和地域特征   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
清真寺是与伊斯兰教紧密联系的宗教建筑,与其他宗教建筑相比,有着自身的建筑特色。本文先从功能、选址、朝向和内部结构等方面剖析了清真寺与其他宗教建筑不同的特性表现,在此基础上,再根据清真寺地理位置的差异,阐述其地域特征,由此来透视伊斯兰教作为世界性宗教的特性。  相似文献   

6.
“乌玛”是伊斯兰思想体系中最重要的观念之一,对伊斯兰社会的形成和发展具有重要影响。《古兰经》确立了“乌玛”作为伊斯兰宗教共同体的观念,而麦地那时期乌玛观念的实践则为穆斯林后代树立了典范。在古代伊斯兰社会,大征服和帝国的伊斯兰化虽使伊斯兰乌玛的规模得到扩大,但政权分立、教派分化和族裔对立却使统一的乌玛走向分裂。近代以来西方的入侵和控制以及伊斯兰世界民族主义和世俗主义思潮的兴起,大大激发了伊斯兰世界重建乌玛的激情和斗志。为此,他们不断尝试泛伊斯兰主义、现代伊斯兰主义以及全球化时代以信息网络为依托的伊斯兰统一。  相似文献   

7.
乌玛观念与伊斯兰宗教共同体的构建   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"乌玛"是伊斯兰思想体系中最重要的观念之一,对伊斯兰社会的形成和发展具有重要影响.《古兰经》确立了"乌玛"作为伊斯兰宗教共同体的观念,而麦地那时期乌玛观念的实践则为穆斯林后代树立了典范.在古代伊斯兰社会,大征服和帝国的伊斯兰化虽使伊斯兰乌玛的规模得到扩大,但政权分立、教派分化和族裔对立却使统一的乌玛走向分裂.近代以来西方的入侵和控制以及伊斯兰世界民族主义和世俗主义思潮的兴起,大大激发了伊斯兰世界重建乌玛的激情和斗志.为此,他们不断尝试泛伊斯兰主义、现代伊斯兰主义以及全球化时代以信息网络为依托的伊斯兰统一.  相似文献   

8.
在后冷战时代,宗教极端主义成为各国在非传统安全领域的重大挑战,其中伊斯兰极端主义的影响较大。伊斯兰教作为俄罗斯的传统宗教,在促进社会稳定、巩固家庭和精神道德价值观方面发挥着积极意义,但伊斯兰教政治化也助长了激进的一面。在转型期的俄罗斯,伴随着伊斯兰复兴思潮与运动的兴起,伊斯兰极端主义也得以滋生并迅速蔓延开来。俄罗斯的伊斯兰极端主义趁转型之初联邦中央政权式微而企图推动北高加索地区独立,建立所谓的“伊斯兰国家”,从而给俄罗斯国家及社会造成了巨大的创伤。在全球伊斯兰极端主义泛起的背景下,伊斯兰极端主义问题在俄罗斯一直存在,成为影响国家安全和社会稳定的重大隐患。  相似文献   

9.
丁俊 《阿拉伯世界》2003,(2):35-38,34
“中间主义”作为当代伊斯兰世界思想文化界的主流思潮之一。重申伊斯兰文明带给人类的首要信息是和平中正,伊斯兰教反对各种形式的积端主义和恐怖主义,主张不同文明之间应当开展平等的对话交流,认为不同民族,不同国家之间的和平相处,友好交往是人类共同发展和世界持久和平的基础,在当前复杂严峻的国际形势下,“中间主义”思潮对于维护伊斯兰各国民族的团结进取,促进各国人民之间的相互理解和世界和平事业的发展,无疑具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

10.
在西方基督教文化和中东伊斯兰文化中,都包含着构成民主观念的本质要素。这两种宗教强调的-神论信仰,都奠定了平等这个民主思想核心价值观的逻辑基础。同时,伊斯兰宗教强调的“协商”,“公议”、“尽力而为”等观念,都是培养公民社会和建立民主制度所必须的因素。近代以来,尽管民主在西方国家和伊斯兰国家有着截然不同的发展,但并不能因此否认伊斯兰文化中同样包含着民主的成分,更不能以伊斯兰文化缺乏民主因素作为西方国家改造阿拉伯-伊斯兰国家的借口。  相似文献   

11.
Field research on ‘young Moroccan Jihadists in Syria and Iraq from northern Morocco’ unexpectedly revealed the mundane factors behind their recruitment represented in the self-realization and the search for heroism, adventure and money, were the main reasons for the recruitment of young people in northern Morocco terrorist organizations, especially the Daesh. The religious factor is secondary. To combat terrorism and extremism which is spreading in the MENA region requires political will. Appropriate laws should be enacted as soon as possible and policies must be implemented to ensure border control, the closure of financing ports, propaganda platforms, anti-addiction, etc.  相似文献   

12.
13.
The European Commission's specialized services are trying to tighten their grip over viticulture by invoking the legitimating figure of a “new consumer”. Accordingly, growers who work small vineyards are unable to make a wine adapted to market trends. They should, therefore, withdraw from wine-growing and enjoy the subsidies granted by the EU for uprooting vineyards. In Aude Department, southern France, small wine-growers take issue with this analysis, which, in their opinion, caves in to the pressure exerted by traders and hypermarket chain stores. However, there have been no protest actions against the Commission's decisions. This can be explained by the way the EU's policy is embedded in national and local conflicts. Although we cannot point to any joint plan, administrations, trade associations and political parties are developing practices that prevent organized protests.  相似文献   

14.
An intriguing shift in the public interest of Roma, Gypsy and Traveller minorities has been the rise of the ‘Gypsy’ reality TV star in shows across Europe (‘Gypsy’ is the word most often used in popular media culture). The latest phenomenon to hit the UK has been the Channel 4 series Big Fat Gypsy Weddings (Firecracker Films, Channel 4, 2010–2013), a flamboyant production that has garnered both huge audience shares and fierce criticism, with commentators berating its narrow, sensationalist focus. Drawing on both specialized literature on Roma minorities and current sociological debates on reality TV formats, this article raises questions about how the politics of the ‘demotic turn’ of such formats (as noted by Turner in 2004) can lean towards the demonic through emphasizing such groups as spectacular, extraordinary and above all, negatively different. Furthermore, this article shows how the series not only reproduces old stereotypes of Gypsies and Travellers as different, ethnicized others but is also heavily embroiled in UK gender and class discourses. Whilst the series claims to be a unique insight into a marginalized community, this close analysis discusses the wider politics within which it is embedded and how such representations can both popularize and undermine marginalized or minority groups.  相似文献   

15.
According to this analysis of the dynamics of competition in six school zones in Europe (Charleroi, Budapest, Lisbon, London, Lille and the Paris area), secondary schools pursue “logics of action” that are shaped by an interdependence between local establishments. Parents’ strategies for choosing a school rank establishments and lead to a competitive interdependence with a pattern and intensity that vary depending on the place — the major issue being the capacity to attract and retain pupils. A typology of these “logics” is proposed: establishments pursue a logic of conquest, profit from the status quo, diversification or adaptation depending on their local position and the intensity of competition. Questions are raised about the potentials and limits of public interventions for regulating this competitive interdependence. Competition, along with its deviant effects (segregation and inequality), arises out of the shortcomings and limitations of public interventions and out of the fragmentation of local regulations. A lack of coordination between the authorities in charge, between districts and between the public and private supply of education affects the development of opportunistic tactics by certain establishments. The conclusion draws attention to the need for coordinating regulations.  相似文献   

16.
Along with the notion of development, new jobs have emerged characterized by: a vague, overall definition; an ambiguity as to roles (especially in dealings with locally elected officials); makeshift statuses; and occupational itineraries that cannot be reduced to civil service careers. As this examination of their work over three decades shows, the autonomy of rural development agents has been related to a “phase of invention”, when the switch was made from rural planning to development. Role ambiguity still prevails and has even spread, owing to the social conditions of employment, to occupational itineraries. Given the cofinancing of public authorities’ “territorial actions”, we see a couple forming between elected officials, who want to take hold in an intercommunal territory, and development agents, who “create their jobs” by capturing subsidies. Over this 30-year period, a peculiar image of “fuzzy jobs” has emerged.  相似文献   

17.
Summary

Loss of parents for midlife lesbians is discussed in the context of continued development in middle age. From an intersubjective point of view, comprehension of externality, the capacity for mutual recognition, the disruption and repair of recognition and affirmation of subjectivity and the agenic “I” color relationships with parents throughout life. In filial bereavement, there can be a resurgence of intersubjective development along with an easing of internalized homophobia. In recovery from loss, there are opportunities to make loving identifications that more fully acknowledge externality and difference.  相似文献   

18.
Claims that the United States Congress is (becoming more) polarized are widespread, but what is polarization? In this paper, I draw on notions of intergroup relations to distinguish two forms. Weak polarization occurs when relations between the polarized groups are merely absent, while strong polarization occurs when the relations between the polarized groups are negative. I apply the Stochastic Degree Sequence Model to data on bill co-sponsorship in both the U.S. House of Representatives and U.S. Senate, from 1973 (93rd session) to 2016 (114th session) to infer a series of signed networks of political relationships among legislators, which I then use to answer two research questions. First, can the widely reported finding of increasing weak polarization in the U.S. Congress be replicated when using a statistical model to make inferences about when positive political relations exist? Second, is the (increasing) polarization observed in the U.S. Congress only weak polarization, or is it strong polarization? I find that both chambers exhibit both weak and strong polarization, that both forms are increasing, and that they are structured by political party affiliation. However, I also find these trends are unrelated to which party holds the majority in a chamber.  相似文献   

19.
A wide variety of organizational structures and technologies are associated with the 'virtual campus'. This paper compares the UK's two largest distance learning initiatives: the Open University (OU) and the University for Industry (UfI). The comparison suggests four alternative approaches to 'virtualization' and shows that debate has often under-estimated the variety of possible approaches. The relationship between ICTs, knowledge and organizational structure is complex, reflecting a diversity of values and rationalities embodied by learning institutions.  相似文献   

20.
Drawing upon insights from Deibert's (1997) reconstituted medium theory and critical geopolitics literature, this article examines Slovenia'sefforts at crafting an image of itself via the Internet for specific strategic goals such as EU and NATO accession, the promotion of tourism and the attraction of foreign direct investment. Through an examination of both the material and discursive practices undertaken by the Slovenian government, we demonstrate the difficulty inherent in challenging tropes that hegemonic powers disseminate through various media in order to craft the geopolitical world they operate in. Slovenia's websites represent an important form of resistance to hegemonic visions of space, visions that have excluded Slovenia's accession to certain power structures. The government uses the Internet to construct a discourse refuting assertions of unreadiness to accede to these institutions, a form of online lobbying that attempts to redraw the image of Slovenia in the minds of a global public. We conclude this examination not by making grand pronouncements about the efficacy of these efforts, but by demonstrating that these images are part and parcel of the efforts to disassociate Slovenia from the negative connotations of the Balkan moniker.The fact that these efforts incorporate the Internet, when linked to material practices and policies, raises questions about the possibilities of such resistance via new communication technologies.  相似文献   

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