Return Migration in Africa and the Relationship between Educational Attainment and Labor Market Success: Evidence from Uganda

The return migration of skilled professionals has been suggested as a policy instrument suitable for reversing the large‐scale emigration of skilled professionals from African countries. However, there are no empirical studies showing how migrant professionals from Africa are reintegrated into the labor market after they return. This study examines the relationship between educational attainment and the likelihood of employment among native‐born African migrants returning home from abroad. The study focuses on the evidence from Uganda since this country has one of the longest histories of skilled migration in Africa. The results show that returning migrants with university degrees and vocational credentials are more likely to be employed than their nonmigrant and immigrant counterparts. However, this employment advantage was not observed among returning migrants with secondary schooling or below. Furthermore, the results show that returning migrants are generally more likely to be employed as district employment rates increase.     

Reattraction of needed skills to developing countries of origin

This research note briefly outlines International Labour Organization concerns about return migration in developing countries, research being done in the field, and activities in related fields. Attention is being focused on the following topics and areas of study: 1) recommendations and conventions which cover workers generally and migrant workers particularly; 2) measures to avoid the departure of skilled workers from developing countries; 3) special problems encountered in improving migrant professionals' working conditions; 4) developing a central pool of information on labor markets and employment at the international level; 5) bilateral or multilateral migration agreements to optimize the flows of health personnel, scientific workers, engineers, and high level technicians, protecting their rights, and facilitating their reintegration into the country of origin; 6) creating a compensation scheme for skill outflows and training substitutes to fill the gaps left behind by migration; 7) classifying migratory policies adopted by developing countries; 8) reattraction of needed skills to developing countries of origin; 9) transfer of know-how through expatriate nationals; 10) labor reinsertion patterns of migrants returning to Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain; 11) Socioeconomic reintegration of migrants returning to Pakistan and Uruguay; and 12) Sri Lanka's experience with self-employment schemes for returned migrants.     

To stay or to return? Return migration intentions of Moroccans in Italy

Using data from the Statistics on Income and living conditions of families with migrants carried out by ISTAT in 2009, we empirically examine the effect of micro level determinants on Moroccans’ return migration intentions. Although Moroccans living in Italy do not have a clear aspiration to return, the socio‐economic and work conditions in Italy determine their migration intentions. Furthermore, our research led us to argue that macro‐level determinants should also be considered. In particular, emigration, immigration and integration policies represent key elements in the analysis of the dilemma between to stay or to return. Therefore, the promotion of long‐term immigration policies, which allow the achievement of a permanent residence in the host country, combined with institutional reforms, which make the origin country socially, economically and politically more attractive for migrants are essential to complete the debate about to stay or to return.     

Early return of Sri Lankan migrants in the Middle East

The author examines early return migration patterns of labor migrants from Sri Lanka in the Middle East. "Attention [is given] to the reasons why a considerable number of migrants return to their country of origin prematurely.... Differentials in the duration of stay in the host country, as well as some of the consequences of early return migration for the migrant and his family [are discussed].... The data used for this article are based primarily on a random survey held among 899 return migrants, 858 family members of current migrants and 409 non-migrants...[for] the period December 1985 to July 1986." (SUMMARY IN FRE AND SPA)     

Young migrants of the second generation in Europe: education and labour market insertion prospects

This paper compares the situation of second generation migrants in employing European nations with first generation migrants in the countries of origin. The study focuses on intergenerational changes in employment, unemployment, and further migration. High rates of failure, underachievement, and non-attendance are often found among migrant school children. Girls and boys show high occupational aspirations from age 10-14, but more realistic aspirations by their last year of school. Although vocational training interests many young foreigners, they usually do not get enough training to compete successfully in the labor market. Unemployment affects young foreigners more, and their employment is more unstable, unskilled, and without advancement. Indecision dominates their attitudes about return migration. The country of origin usually cannot provide employment, especially for women, and the longer young migrants have been in employing nations, the less likely they are to want to leave. Difficulty in migrating and the parental desire for superior schooling also limit return migration. On return, migrants 1) experience no continuity of employment or promotion, 2) often find that the skills they have acquired are not valued, 3) must use parallel labor market and cottage industry work to find employment, 4) find that, especially for women and young workers, the unstable employment experienced abroad also affects them on return, 5) find temporary employment or have difficulty in obtaining a job, 6) find both positive and negative views are held by employers concerning them, 7) find that family and connections are the primary means for finding jobs, and 8) discover return migration may not be an end since many second generation migrants will re-migrate for economic and social reasons. School performance, language mastery, social integration and access to training plague migrants and young nationals of similar socioeconomic background. They are unprepared to succeed in the new country and experience conflict of aspirations. First and second generation return migrants experience great frustration, since employment conditions are poor, and may be forced to migrate to a third country.     

The Human Capital Characteristics and Household Living Standards of Returning International Migrants in Eastern and Southern Africa

Africa’s experience with return migration is not new. However, few empirical studies have examined the social and economic characteristics of returning migrants within the continent. In this study, the human capital endowments and household living standards of returning migrants in Uganda and South Africa are examined using recently available data. The study compares returnees in both countries with immigrants as well as the native‐born population with no international migration experience. It also investigates how factors such as previous country of residence, year of arrival, and other demographic factors predict levels of education and living standards among returning migrants. In Uganda, the results show that recently arrived returning migrants had better educational endowments than both immigrants and non‐migrants. Migrants who returned to Uganda following the fall of Idi Amin’s regime had the lowest educational levels and lowest living standards compared to other returnees. Furthermore, the results indicate that previous residence in countries in the West was associated with four additional years of schooling while returning migrants arriving from other African countries had the lowest levels of schooling among returning migrants. In South Africa, the study finds that returnees arriving almost immediately following the end of Apartheid had the highest levels of education compared to either immigrants or non‐migrants. Returnees on average also had the highest household living standards in South Africa. Among South African immigrants, the results indicate that those arriving towards the end of the century had lower educational endowments compared to immigrants who arrived in the country two to four years after the end of Apartheid.     

Change and stability of migration intentions. Evidence from Italy

Due to a lack of relevant data, very few empirical studies have examined the changes in and stability of secondary migration intentions. We aim to fill this gap by analysing return migration intentions among international migrants in Italy. Data are drawn from the cross-sectional SCIF survey conducted by ISTAT in 2011–2012. Our findings reveal that migration intentions at the beginning of the migratory experience tend to differ from those measured at more advanced migration stages (i.e. at the time of the survey). In particular, intentions to return seem less stable than intentions to stay. When confirming intentions to return or remain, critical factors include financial stability, family situation and ties with the country of origin and destination. Additionally, having an Italian partner, a partner living in Italy, and a positive self-assessed family financial condition are positively associated with transitioning from a temporary plan to a permanent settlement intention.     

家庭禀赋、家庭决策与农村迁移劳动力回流

在城乡收入差距持续扩大的情况下,中国"民工潮"和"民工回流"、"民工荒"并存的现象,一直是困扰国内外学术界的难题。本文根据湖北和河南两省的农户抽样调查数据,建立农村迁移劳动力回流决策的影响因素模型,从家庭决策的视角分析了家庭禀赋对迁移劳动力回流的影响及其作用机制。数据分析结果表明:家庭人力资本越丰富,劳动力越容易选择留在农村就业或者回流农村,但是家庭人力资本值达到一定程度后,农村劳动力又倾向于外出就业。家庭社会资本有助于迁移劳动力外出务工,但是随着家庭社会资本值的增加,那些家庭社会资本更为丰富的家庭的劳动力则更愿意回流家乡就业。丰富的家庭经济资本同时可以产生收入效应和替代效应,家庭经济资本可以为外出务工提供物质支持,但是丰富的家庭经济资本又会促使迁移劳动力回流农村,总体来说后者更为明显。     

Releasing the development potential of return migration: the case of Senegal

Migration has long been a permanent part of Senegal's history. Indeed, as a land of migrants and immigrants, Senegal has always been an important pole of West African immigration because of its colonial heritage, political stability and economic growth which, until the mid-seventies, had been relatively good.
Nonetheless, events of the past few decades have induced changes in migration. Continuing desertification, globalization of the economy and accelerated pauperization have intensified the human exodus. The emergence of world markets has stimulated demand for both cheap and highly skilled labour. In general, Senegalese who left the country did so in search of work. These migrations have not been limited to a South-North direction but also, and increasingly, to a South-South one. France, Côte d'Ivoire and Gabon have long been countries of call for Senegalese workers.
This article seeks to evaluate the manner in which Senegal has undertaken to develop the potential of its returning migrants, to better assess the effects of the return and reinsertion of these migrants within the present context of restrictions on the flow of migrants.
The first section presents the profile of Senegalese migrants and then evaluates what may be described as the "French-Senegalese" experience. The latter offers an example of concerted efforts to ensure the reintegration and participation of returning migrants in the economic development of their country of origin.
The second section reviews Senegal's official policies for the protection and promotion of Senegalese living abroad and assesses the Programme of Support to Migrant Workers.
The third section presents recommendations for actions which could accompany migrants returning to their countries of origin and facilitate their reinsertion in the current economic and social environment.     

Measures to facilitate the reintegration of returning migrant workers: international experiences

Bilateral and multilateral measures implemented to assist migrants who return to their country of origin have been designed to respond to a number of different but specific situations. 2 bilateral agreements are briefly described: 1) an agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of Turkey signed in the early 1970s, and 2) an agreement between France and Algeria signed in 1980. 3 different types of multilateral activities are described: 1) the operation of the so-called Return of Talent program by the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration, 2) the Transfer of KNow-how Through Expatriate Nationals program of the UN Development Programme, and 3) the elaboration of a model machinery on return migration by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. While the 1st 2 activities are operational programs, by which annually between 1000-2000 professionals are assisted in their permanent return to or temporary sojourn in their developing countries of origin, with the financial support of both the developed and the developing countries concerned, the 3rd initiative is a conceptual effort aimed at assisting governments to implement policy measures designed to make return migration commensurate with national development goals. 3 recent proposals include 1) the proposal for an international labor compensatory facility, 2) an international fund for vocational training, and 3) an international fund for manpower resources. A common factor shared by all these programs is that they have all involved on 1 side industrial receiving countries which feel themselves obliged to observe a number of principles guaranteed by law and which govern employment conditions and working relations. The reintegration measures implemented or proposed in cooperation with them have been adopted in full consideration of the prevailing standards of these countries, as different as they may be from 1 country to another. A common consideration has been that the returning migrant should reintegrate in his country of origin as far as possible in conditions allowing the returnee to attain self-sufficiency and social security coverage. However, this underlying context does not necessarily prevail in all world regions where different forms of labor migration take place. Therefore the measures experienced in the relationship of specific countries cannot be easily copied for implementation in other countries. Multilateral measures benefited a rather limited number of individuals only, in many instances skilled and highly skilled migrants.     

Life on the Edge: Balancing Gendered and Occupational Identities among Unauthorized Mexican Migrant Roofers

Scholars have addressed the economic, gendered, and emotional dimensions of migration, especially as migrants move from origin to destination. However, scholarship on return migration and the subjective experiences of reintegrating to origin communities is poorly understood. In this paper, we examine the return migration of formerly unauthorized migrants who labored as roofers in the United States. We argue that the migration process redefines men’s masculinity as they attempt to balance family life in Mexico and their occupational lives in the U.S., all of which are essential for their identity but remain separated by an international border. We draw on 40 in-depth interviews with return migrant men in a small city in Guanajuato, Mexico to examine the emotional tensions men experience regarding the decision to remain in close proximity to family in Mexico and a desire to return again to their economically and emotionally fulfilling occupations in the U.S. We find that migrants’ nostalgia for prior U.S. labor market experience, in juxtaposition to reentry into the Mexican labor market, competes with current feelings of happiness and contentment obtained through family reintegration. These competing feelings, together with economic need, help explain the complex meaning of migration for return migrant men. We conclude by suggesting that once men have been exposed to U.S. life, the occupational identity becomes a “pull” that encourages future migration trips.     

Problems faced by migrants and their family members,particularly second generation migrants,in returning to and reintegrating into their countries of origin

The growing tendency in Europe and other countries to introduce return migration as an element of migration policy has provoked a number of migration studies. Some of the problems faced by returning migrants and their families have been identified and are outlined here. First generation returning migrants face problems with social and economic assimilation: 1) returnees often practice conspicuous consumption which is resented by local people as the behavior of the new rich; those without the opportunity to migrate are particularly resentful. 2) The receiving country most often views the returnee as identical to the migrant who left years ago; problems with sociocultural reintegration are not recognized and no action is taken in that direction. 3) The homeland's economic situation and employment situation may not be strong enough to introduce social programs for returnees. 4) Returnees may have trouble finding new friends and community support. 5) Returnees are often underutilized in their home countries because the economic system is unable to absorb them. The second generation's problem in remigration may be classed into problems with social adjustment, integration into the educational system, and integration into the labor market. 1) Adolescent girls are likely to encounter difficulties because they are forced more frequently than boys to conform to traditional behavior patterns. 2) Youngsters have to learn that everyday life is heavily family-oriented, and that social control is very strong. 3) Lack of compatibility between the educational systems in the 2 countries disfavors the returnees; they may be barred from the school system because of language deficiencies or because priority is given to local students. 4) Many countries receiving youngsters have extremely high unemployment rates and cannot absorb these returnees into their labor force. 5) Although girls are generally better educated than boys, they work in lower-ranking jobs. The return movement calls for cooperation between the countries of immigration and remigration. More detailed research and observation are needed, particularly in defining differences between returnees and nonreturnees, between the sexes, and among age groups.     

Migration,Productive Return and Human Capital: Lessons from the new Governmental Policy on Migration in Ecuador

In 2008, the Government of Ecuador initiated a programme for productive return dubbed the Cucayo Fund, aimed at financing small businesses for migrants who were returning to the country. This programme has been a cornerstone in the new governmental policy on migration. In 2015, the IOM considered it an exemplary practice among the instruments enabling the economic and social reinsertion of returning migrants. In this article, based on the mining and analysis of the implementation data from the Cucayo Fund in the three provinces comprising Administrative Region No 7, we specifically examine the incidence of human capital accumulated by the migrants in the success of their ventures. Our results show that the experience and knowledge attained by the migrants abroad, and transfer of these to new activities, play a key and relevant role in the financed ventures and that, therefore, human capital must be incorporated with greater emphasis into debates on return.     

Back to Square One: Socioeconomic Integration of Deported Migrants

This paper addresses the issue of socioeconomic integration of forced return migrants, focusing on the Maghreb countries. Starting from the hypothesis that the return has to be prepared, I tested whether a disruption in the migration cycle (such as deportation) increases the individual's vulnerability and affects his integration from both a structural and sociocultural point of view, using the 2006 Migration de Retour au Maghreb (MIREM, or Return Migration to the Maghreb) survey. I found that forced returnees are more vulnerable to negative labor market outcomes compared to voluntary returnees. The absence of forced returnees from the labor market, or their underperformances, creates a net loss for the origin country and also incentives to re‐migrate. The negative effect is statistically significant not only immediately after return, but also in the long run, at survey time. Forced return is also significantly and negatively correlated with sociocultural integration, reflecting a marginalization of deported migrants in their home environment, which may act as a re‐emigration incentive.     

A capital theory approach to migrants' views and engagement with climate adaptation in the region of origin: A qualitative study in Belgium

Combining insights from migration and climate adaptation studies, this study examines how migrants living in Belgium contribute to climate adaptation in their region of origin, based on 29 qualitative interviews with migrants in Belgium. The findings varied considerably, depending on the region of origin, the main driver of migration and the possibility of returning. The results show that both the knowledge and capacity to contribute to climate adaptation in the region of origin depends on the forms and degrees of capital individuals have, both in the immigrant country and region of origin. Migrants with more cultural capital in the region of origin had more transnational bonding and bridging ties, resulting in more opportunities to contribute to the development of the region. However, as many of the interviewees originated from urban areas, their actions were oriented more towards waste, pollution and life domains other than climate adaptation. This contrasts with migrants with less formal cultural capital. Due to specific living conditions, they were more familiar with local climate impacts. Their transnational bonding social ties increased this knowledge and familiarity with the need for climate adaptation. Nevertheless, the high costs of integration into the immigrant society and a lack of cultural and economic capital limits this group's capacity to contribute to climate adaptation initiatives in the region of origin. Bringing the concept of ‘migrant capital’ into the study of climate adaptation fills a gap in the literature on environmental migration, and especially engages with discourses that frame migration as an adaptation strategy.     

Take Me “Home”: Return Migration among Germany's Older Immigrants

This paper examines the determinants of return migration as foreign‐born men approach old age in Germany. Return migration in later life engages a different set of conditions from return migration earlier on, including the framing of return as a possible retirement strategy. Using 23 years of longitudinal data from the German Socioeconomic Panel, this paper investigates how social and economic resources of immigrant men influence decisions to return “home.” Results suggest that immigrants from former guest worker recruitment countries within the European Union are more likely to return than non‐EU immigrants. In addition, return migrants are “negatively selected” so that those with the least education and weakest attachments to the labor force are more likely to emigrate. However, findings vary greatly depending on the immigrant's age and country of origin. Results from this paper highlight the heterogeneity of older immigrants and the factors that motivate their return “home”.     

Social effects of migration in receiving countries

This paper examines the impact of post-1945 migration into Western, Middle, and Northern Europe from Southern Europe, Turkey, and Northern Africa, and migration to the traditional immigration countries by Asian and Latin American immigrants, on the social structures of receiving countries. Between 1955 and 1974, 1) traditional migration to the US and Australia became less important for European countries while traditional receiving countries accepted many immigrants from developing countries; and 2) rapid economic revival in Western and Northern Europe caused a considerable labor shortage which was filled by migrant workers especially from Southern Europe, Turkey, and Northern Africa, who stayed only until they reached their economic goals. Since 1974, job vacancies have declined and unemployment has soared. This employment crisis caused some migrants 1) to return to their countries of origin, 2) to bring the rest of their families to the receiving country, or 3) to lengthen their stay considerably. The number of refugees has also significantly increased since the mid-970s, as has the number of illegal migrants. After the mid-1970s, Europe began to experience integration problems. The different aspects of the impact of migration on social structures include 1) improvement of the housing situation for foreigners, 2) teaching migrants the language of the receiving country, 3) solving the unemployment problem of unskilled migrants, 4) improvement of educational and vocational qualifications of 2nd generation migrants, 5) development of programs to help unemployed wives of migrants to learn the language and meet indigenous women, 6) encouraging migrants to maintain their cultural identity and assisting them with reintegration if they return to their original country, 7) coping with the problems of refugees, and 8) solving the problems of illegal migration. Almost all receiving countries now severely restrict further immigration. [Those policies should result in improved development of aid policies towards sending countries. Immigration from other countries to those of the European Economic community should be limited to that for humanitarian reasons.     

Local Economic Opportunity and the Competing Risks of Internal and U.S. Migration in Zacatecas,Mexico1

This article uses a competing risks model to examine the effects of origin economic conditions on the probability of temporary U.S. and internal labor migration in the Mexican state of Zacatecas. We measure origin economic conditions with municipal‐level indices of employment and small‐scale investment opportunities that we constructed from population and economic census data. The results of our analysis demonstrate the important influence of local employment and investment opportunities on migration outcomes. Controlling for the prior municipal rate of U.S. return migration and other factors, positive opportunities for small‐scale investment are associated with a higher risk of temporary migration to the United States. This result is consistent with investment oriented migration predicted by the new economics of labor migration theory. We also find comparable social network effects for both internal and U.S. migration. Having social ties to active migrants of one type (U.S. or internal), encourages migration of the same type and discourages migration of the other type.     

Returnees' Perspectives on Their Re‐migration Processes

The return of refugees and migrants back to their country of origin is an important topic on the agenda of Western European governments, as return is considered as the most “durable solution” for the “refugee problem”, and as an instrument with which to tackle “illegal” migration. However, these migration policies generally lack a clear evidence base, as little studies have focused on returnees' current living situations and on their perspectives on the re‐migration process. In this paper we therefore try to listen to returnees' voices, through in‐depth interviews with four Nepalese migrants both before (in Belgium) and after (in Nepal) their return, and with 16 returnees after their return to Nepal. The interviews show how most returnees start with a disadvantageous “point of departure” to realize a “successful” return: mostly, they do not really depart “voluntarily”, and they only have limited possibilities for preparing their return and setting realistic expectations. But also, back in the “home country”, most returnees judge their current economic, social and political living situation as bad, meeting little of the expectations that they set before they returned. The participants consider the support they received through the NGOs' return programmes as minimal, because they are mostly limited to a small amount of financial support, and thus of little significance in these returnees' efforts to rebuild their lives in their “home” country. If return programmes want to make a difference in returnees' lives, they should have two extensive components in the “home” and the “host” country, incorporating in both components an integral approach, including economic, political, social and psychological aspects. Viewing these findings, it is not surprising that most interviewees eventually evaluate their return as unsuccessful, and many returnees consider re‐emigration, all of which clearly questions the current basis of worldwide migration policies.     

Problems confronting migrants and members of their families when they return to their country of origin

The problems which migrants and their families face when they return to their own country arise from the personal circumstances of the individuals themselves as well as the characteristics of both the country of origin and the host country. A great variety of conflicts can arise during reintegration and the interrelation between them is complex. Nevertheless, some problems occur more frequently than others; a number of the most common include the following: 1) reintegrating the return migrant into the labor force is very difficult, particularly when unemployment is a problem in his homeland. 2) Degrees earned abroad often do not transfer from one high school or university to another at the same academic level. 3) Most returning migrant workers lose their retirement benefits acquired during the period of emigration because of no social security convention between the countries concerned. 4) Patriotic feelings and ties to family and friends lead the migrant to gloss over the real problems he faces. 5) Migrant children commonly face problems related to education because of differences between languages, teaching contents, and educational methods practiced in the two countries. Recommendations to relieve these and other problems migrants face upon reintegration include: 1) efforts should be made to orient return migration when jobs are available; 2) cultural agreements allowing recognition of studies and accreditation of degrees and diplomas should be promoted; 3) social security conventions between countries should be extended to include the transfer of benefits and recognition of years of work; 4) priority should be given to educational problems faced by migrant children with a dual sociocultural identity; and 5) assistance should be given to countries in carrying out empirical studies on reintegration problems and measures to solve them.