Fertility expectations and ethnic identity among Mexican-American adolescents: an expression of cultural ideals

1980 survey data from 2 secondary schools in Arizona are studied to explain the differences in expected fertility of Mexican American and Anglo adolescents. Mexican Americans have maintained higher fertility rates than the national average, and this study helps clarify how cultural heritage and socioeconomic status relate to family formation patterns. The model, which is based on expected fertility rates of adolescents which parallel those of adults, predicts higher fertility rates for minority group members at every level of socioeconomic status. Male adolescent Anglos expect an average of 2.27 children, whereas female adolescent Anglos expect only 2.11. In both instances for Mexican Americans, the expected number is higher: 2.78 for males, 2.68 for females. Mexican American adolescents who speak Spanish at home are more likely to expect 3, 4, 5, or more children, whereas those who speak English at home are more likely to remain childless or to expect less than 2 children. Similarly, the adolescent with a Mexican born father is more likely to expect more children than the adolescent with a native born father. Tucson residents are less likely to expect 2 or more children, while Nogales (80% Mexican origin) residents are more likely to expect 3, 4, or 5 children. The acculturation factors that help to explain the high birth rate expectations of Mexican Americans are: 1) language, 2) generation, and 3) neighborhood. At every level of expected educational attainment and occupational level, Mexican Americans expect more children than Anglos. Socioeconomic status of the family of origin is the crucial variable linking fertility to socioeconomic status. The actual fertility of minority groups should not be mistaken for the expected fertility of minority groups; both are subject to different influences. However, differences in fertility expectations of Mexican American adolescents and their Anglo counterparts parallel the differences in the actual fertility rates of these groups.     

Race and Loss of Privilege: African American/White Differences in the Determinants of Job Layoffs From Upper-Tier Occupations

Data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics supports predictions from the minority vulnerability thesis concerning the determinants of job layoffs among African Americans and Whites who work in upper-middle-class occupations. Specifically, after controlling for seniority, layoffs for African Americans are relatively unstructured by traditional stratification-based causal factors, namely, background socioeconomic status, human-capital credentials, and job/labor market characteristics. Analyses also indicate that racial differences in the determinants of layoffs are more pronounced in nonservice-based than service-based firms in the private sector and in the private sector relative to the public sector.     

The transmission of socioeconomic status and prestige in Great Britain and the United States

We analyze male occupational attainment using separate models in which occupational level is measured by indigenous socioeconomic index (SEI) scales, indigenous prestige scales, and a common prestige scale. Other than some consistent societal differences, the SEI scales produce highly similar results in both societies. In sharp contrast, both indigenous and common prestige scales indicate a stronger relative effect of origin (compared with education) on occupation in Great Britain. The dimensions of prestige and socioeconomic status thus seem to tap different aspects of the social mobility process, and the societies differ in the transmission of prestige but not socioeconomic status.     

Socioeconomic Indexes for Occupations: A Review, Update, and Critique

Following a review of the history and sources of socioeconomic indexes for occupations, we estimate a new set of indexes for 1990 Census occupation lines, based on relationships between the prestige ratings obtained by Nakao and Treas in the 1989 General Social Survey and characteristics of occupational incumbents in the 1990 Census. We also investigate theoretical and empirical relationships among socioeconomic and prestige indexes, using data from the 1994 General Social Survey. Many common occupations, especially those held by women, do not fit the typical relationships among prestige, education, and earnings. The fit between prestige and socioeconomic characteristics of occupations can be improved by statistical transformation of the variables. However, in rudimentary models of occupational stratification, prestige-validated socioeconomic indexes are of limited value. They give too much weight to occupational earnings, and they ignore intergenerational relationships between occupational education and occupational earnings. Levels of occupational education appear to define the main dimension of occupational persistence across and within generations. We conclude that composite indexes of occupational socioeconomic status are scientifically obsolete.     

Sex Role Variations in Occupational Prestige Ratings

Abstract

Studies of the prestige accorded to differing occupations by the general public, such as the NORC 1947 and 1963 ratings of 88 different occupations, have had a major shortcoming: they have focused on male-dominated occupations, and presented them to respondents in a context suggesting that male incumbents were to be given the prestige ratings. Analysis of the ratings by sex of respondent showed little systematic difference. In order to estimate the current public evaluation of occupations in which females have largely been segregated in the recent past, and to examine the sex role variations in these prestige ratings, data were collected as part of a larger study on ten occupations in the human service field, four currently male-dominated, three female-dominated, and four with a mixed sex ratio. Women were found to rate female occupations higher, but the ratings of men and women with respect to male dominated occupations were virtually identical. These findings persisted when race and social class of respondents were controlled. It is suggested that researchers who utilize the prestige of occupations as an explanatory variable in studies of occupational aspirations of youth, career choice job mobility and the like need to consider the different images of the work world held by men and women if their findings are to be valid.     

Sociopolitical Development and Vocational Expectations Among Lower Socioeconomic Status Adolescents of Color

The well‐documented aspiration‐expectation gap refers to lower socioeconomic status (SES) adolescents of color expecting to attain occupations with lower pay and status than the occupations to which they aspire. Sociopolitical inequity, such as structural racism and asymmetrical access to resources, may explain this gap. This article examines the capacity to cope with sociopolitical inequity (i.e., sociopolitical development) and its relationship to vocational expectations among this population. Analyses revealed that sociopolitical development was associated with higher vocational expectations and may contribute to reducing the vocational aspiration‐expectation gap among lower SES adolescents of color. Furthermore, career counseling, guidance, and psychosocial interventions may be augmented by incorporating sociopolitical development.     

Characteristics of Female Students Who Aspire to Science and Engineering or Homemaking Occupations

This study identified predictors that discriminated between nontraditional and traditional career aspirations in a sample composed of 930 eighth-grade female students (52 Asian Americans, 123 Hispanics, 61 African Americans, 669 Whites, and 15 Native Americans). Results indicated that the students who aspired to careers in science or engineering scored significantly higher on educational aspirations; perceived parental expectations; student-reported grade point averages (GPAs); and mathematics, reading, and science test scores than did girls who aspired to homemaking occupations. They also scored higher on measures of self-esteem, internal locus of control, socioeconomic status, and had fewer siblings. Educational aspirations, parental expectations, self-reported GPA, and science proficiency were the best discriminators between the groups. Results also indicated that differences in the distributions of career aspirations across racial-ethnic groups were significant.     

Downward Mobility of Women from White-Collar Employment: Determinants and Timing by Race

This study uses data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics to assess the minority vulnerability thesis, which maintains there are racial differences among women in the determinants of, and timing to, downward mobility from white-collar employment. In accord with the theory, a racialized continuum emerges along both issues. The route to downward mobility for African Americans is relatively broad based and unstructured by traditional stratification-based causal factors, that is, human capital, background socioeconomic status, and job/labor-market characteristics, and they are quickest to experience downward movement. The route to downward mobility for whites is relatively narrow and structured by stratification-based causal actors, and they are the slowest to experience downward movement. Along both issues, Latinas occupy an intermediate position between African Americans and whites. Implications of the findings for understanding of racial inequality in white-collar employment are discussed.     

An Analysis of Differential Assimilation Rates among Middle-class Mexican Americans*

The investigation focused on the identification of variables which might help explain differential assimilation rates among middle-class Mexican Americans. The data were collected from a random probability sample of 151 middle-class Mexican Americans residing in Waco, Austin. McAllen, and Lubbock, Texas. Three Likert-type scales designed to measure various components of the assimilation process were developed out of items abstracted from standardized interview schedules. The multiple correlation technique was used to identify independent variables which contributed significantly to a regression model for explaining variation in scores on each of the three scales. The findings suggested that early socialization patterns incorporating a discontinuous status sequence and a lack of reinforcement as Mexican-American increase the probability that the individual will assimilate into the broader American cultural system.     

The Role of Father’s Occupation on Intergenerational Educational and Occupational Mobility: The Case of Second‐Generation Chinese Americans in New York1

A considerable body of research has found a positive relationship between parents’ socioeconomic status and children’s educational achievement and attainment. The predictive role of parents’ socioeconomic status generally applies for most racial and ethnic groups, but that association does not always hold for groups that exhibit high levels of education, such as Asian Americans. This article considers the role of parents’ education and occupation on children’s educational and occupational attainment for Chinese Americans aged 18–32. The results corroborate the positive link between parents’ socioeconomic status and children’s educational and occupational attainments. Children of professionals command an educational and occupational advantage over children of entrepreneurs and children of manual workers. Yet, the children of entrepreneurs attend selective colleges and obtain professional occupations in proportions closely following those of the children of professionals. Although the educational attainments between the fathers who worked as entrepreneurs and those fathers engaged in manual work were comparable, it was the children of entrepreneurs who surpassed the children of manual workers with respect to educational and occupational achievement and attainment. This suggests that immigrant entrepreneurship contributes in the upward educational and occupational mobility of the children of entrepreneurs.     

Hispanic Americans: comparative considerations and the educational problems of children

This paper presents an overview of the diversity in character among the various Hispanic-American subgroups. The author compares the following subgroups historically and demographically: Mexican-Americans, Cuban-Americans, Mainland Puerto-Ricans, and "other" Hispanics. As a group, Hispanic-Americans lag far behind the majority population in any array of standard educational measurements. 40% of Hispanic-American students leave school before 10th grade. Children of "immigrant" minorities, such as Chinese, Japanese, and South and Central Americans, tend to do better in school than "caste-like" minorities, such as Black Americans, Mainland Puerto-Ricans and Mexican-Americans in the US. The author discusses several models which explain why Mexican and Puerto-Rican Americans fail in American schools at such high rates: 1) culture of poverty, 2) the various schools emphasizing "discontinuity" between the minority Hispanic and the majority culture, and 3) the psychosocial approach. Features which differentiate immigrants from caste-like minorities include 1) caste-like minorities were incorporated into the society against their will, whereas historically, immigrant minorities choose more or less freely to leave their country to enter a new social order; and 2) immigrants may anticipate or fantasize that in the future they will return home to enjoy the fruits of their hard work in the foreign land. 2 factors alleviate the longterm effects of the hardships and discrimination immigrants face: 1) the levels of discrimination became less evident as accents disappeared and names were Anglicized; immigrants develop a dual frame of reference, enabling them to evaluate their current reality against the reality of life back home; and 3) hard work in the new land will at the very least benefit the children in the future. Factors which veto the Mexican immigrant case as a heurstically "paradiomatic" immigrant minority include: 1) many Mexicans still resent the loss of 1/3 or Mexico's territories to Anglo colonists, 2) Americans still treat Mexican immigrants as a "case-like" minority despite the fact that they are immigrants, and 3) many of the "immigrants" lack official immigrant status.     

Social mobility among migrants between Mexico and the U.S. and within the U.S. labor market

This paper uses data collected in 4 Mexican communities (2 rural and 2 urban) in 1982 and 1983, using a sample of 200 households, plus an additional 25 households. This analysis supports these hypotheses: 1) a U-shaped pattern of occupational mobility exists among migrants to the US; 2) the reversal of the initial downward mobility is positively correlated with the accumulation of experience within the US; and 3) the relative steepness of both legs of the pattern vary across socioeconomic with rural origin, illegal, and poorly educated migrants experiencing the slowest reversal of fortune. The occupational mobility of Mexican migrants to the US has 2 distinct phases: 1) labor market entry and 2) that which occurs within the US labor market. Both phases are characterized by occupational immobility and by migrants' area of origin. Other important findings are 1) the slowness with which upward mobility occurs among migrants on their 1st trip, 2) the dominance of agriculture as an occupational group, and 3) an improvement in mobility prospects with increased US experience for repeat migrants. Immobility for 1st time entrants pervades all occupational categories and is exceptionally high for rural origin migrants in agriculture. Rural origin unskilled workers encounter greater mobility constraints, indicating a rural agricultural worker may accomplish an upward movement to the unskilled category, but the chances of further movement are remote. Upon entering the US, the probability of being employed in agriculture is over 25% for all groups except the unskilled. Adjusting successfully to US society is best accomplished by migrants whose Mexican occupation is professional, technical, skilled, or service or who have carefully timed their migration and have accumulated significant experience in the host society. It is only with exposure to the US society, either through a prolonged stay or many trips, that a migrant can overcome the debilitating effects of a disadvantaged socioeconomic background.     

The 1981 socioeconomic index for occupations in Canada

Nous présentons ici un nouvel index socio-économique des occupations, basé sur le recensement de 1981. Il est généralement admis que l'occupation est le meilleur indicateur de statut socio-économique, mais l'importance accordée au prestige, au revenu et à léducation dans la hiérarchisation des occupations demeure matière à débats. Pour cet index, nous avons décidé d'accorder un poids égal aux niveaux d'éducation et de revenu, en rant que composantes additives du statut socio-économique. Aussi, pour fins de continuité, nous avons calibré l 'index sur la base de l échelle Pineo-Porter de prestige.
This article presents a socioeconomic index for the total Canadian labour force, based on 1981 Census data. It also reviews the problems and criticisms of indexes of this kind, and attempts to specify the meaning of socioeconomic scales and the uses to which they may be legitimately put. The present index is most applicable in situations where access to data is limited to occupational titles and where one desires a unidimensional contextual indicator which locates individuals in the Canadian occupational structure at a given point in time. Sociological analysis of structured inequality, however, may be advanced most effectively if, where feasible, a full range of methodological options is considered, including the assessment of conditions on the level of the individual, the use of other contextual levels such as the workplace, and the investigation of occupation, gender and class as interdependent historical products.     

Filipinos and the Myth of Model Minority in Hawai'i

Abstract

Despite tremendous heterogeneity in culture, native language, values, socioeconomic status and a steadily growing presence in the United States, Asian Americans are viewed as a monolithic group under the model minority stereotype. Using the focus group approach with youth, young professionals, key/community leaders, and parent participants, the authors determined that in reference to Filipino Americans living in the diverse ethnic and cultural landscape of Hawai'i, the model minority label does not apply. Implications for policy, practice, and further research are discussed.     

Black Catholicism and the Spirit of Weber

This essay reviews the background of the relatively recent phenomenon of black Catholicism in America and the empirical studies which have explored possible connections between Catholic affiliation among blacks and their changing patterns of secular status. The problem addressed is whether the tendency for Catholicism to be associated with high socioeconomic status among black Americans can be interpreted as the operation of a religious factor in a classic Weberian sense. By comparing black Catholicism to the historical case of Protestantism, it is shown that Catholicism may well have some implications for character structure, social disengagement, and mobility which warrant its designation as a religious factor in the black American experience.     

The Nonmetro/metro Context of Racial/ethnic Outmarriage: Some Differences between African Americans and Mexican Americans1

Abstract Data from the 1990 U. S. Census are used to examine nonmetro-metro distinctions in the outmarriage patterns of the nation's two largest minority groups—African Americans and Mexican Americans. The analysis is guided by a multilevel model combining individual- and community-level determinants of outmarriage. Consistent with notions suggesting that persons in metro areas are less traditional and, perhaps, more tolerant of those different from them, we find that African Americans living in metro areas are more likely to be married to someone from another racial/ethnic group than their peers in nonmetro areas, even after residential differences in individual and community characteristics are taken into account. On the other hand, controlling for other factors, Mexican Americans living in metro areas are not any more likely than those living in nonmetro settings to be exogamous. One possible explanation for this divergent pattern is the relatively recent urbanization of the Mexican American population.     

The elderly of Hispanic origin: population characteristics for 1980

Recent demographic trends among the elderly Hispanic-origin population in the United States are analyzed by major subgroup, including Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban. Data are from a variety of official sources, including the 1980 census. The author suggests that many of the observed variations in socioeconomic and health-related factors are due primarily to the minority status of such groups rather than to cultural differences.     

Parent‐to‐Child Aggression Among Asian American Parents: Culture,Context, and Vulnerability

We examined correlates of lifetime parent‐to‐child aggression in a representative sample of 1,293 Asian American parents. Correlates examined included nativity, indicators of acculturation, socioeconomic status, family climate, and stressors associated with minority status. Results revealed that Asian Americans of Chinese descent and those who immigrated as youth were more likely to report minor parental aggression; ethnicity and nativity were not associated with severe aggression. Indices of acculturation did not predict risk, but minority status stressors (perceived discrimination, low social standing) predicted risk of both minor and severe aggression. Affective climate differed markedly in families with minor versus severe aggression. Parental aggression in Asian American families may not be cultural per se, but stress associated with immigrant family context may heighten vulnerability.     

Middle School Children's Career Aspirations: Relationship to Adult Occupations and Gender

The authors explored the relationship between the career aspirations of 89 preadolescents from low socioeconomic backgrounds and the actual occupations of the working adults in their homes with regard to status, job gender identification, and interest ( Holland, 1997 ). There was a significant relationship between boys’ career aspirations and the occupations of the working male adults in their homes, specifically job gender identification and interest. More adult males had stereotypically male jobs—classified as Realistic by Holland (1997) —that was mirrored in the preadolescent boys’ career aspirations. There were no significant matches between the boys and working women or with the girls and the working adults of either gender.