Latino Group Consciousness and Perceptions of Commonality with African Americans*

Objective. Currently, Latinos and African Americans constitute more than one‐quarter of the U.S. population. The sheer size of these groups suggests an opportunity for increased political influence, with this opportunity providing the incentive for greater social and political interaction between them. The objective of this article is to determine the role of Latino group consciousness in the formation of attitudes toward African Americans. Methods. Utilizing data from the 1999 Washington Post/Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation National Survey on Latinos, a multivariate ordered logit model is employed to test the relationship between Latino group consciousness and perceptions of commonality with African Americans. Results. Results show that group consciousness in the form of Latino internal commonality and perceived discrimination are contributors to Latino perceptions of commonality with African Americans. Conclusion. This analysis demonstrates that before any meaningful political alliances can be formed between the nation's two largest minority groups, Latinos may need to develop strong levels of panethnic identity.     

A Mile‐Wide Gap: The Evolution of Hispanic Political Emergence in the Deep South*

Objective. Prior to the 1990s, the size of the Hispanic population in the Deep South was negligible. Since that time, states in this region have experienced an explosive growth in members of this ethnic group. Methods. Georgia and the Carolinas are among five states that maintain registration and turnout files by ethnicity. We make use of these political data in conjunction with demographic information from the Census to create a snapshot of Hispanic political emergence in the southeast. Results. A sizable gap exists between the size of the Hispanic population in the southeast and levels of political participation on the part of Latinos. Much of the explanation for this observation centers on the fact that the bulk of recent migration to the region has been by Hispanics who are not U.S. citizens. Participation rates among Hispanic citizens, however, were also found to lag behind those of other racial groups in the region. Conclusions. Although it is likely that Hispanics will become a sizable political force in the Deep South, it should be noted that the gulf between latent political influence and actual political power may take quite some time to close.     

Preferences for Juries Over Judges Across Racial and Ethnic Groups*

Objective. The objective of this article is to explore whether a preference for juries rather than judges to decide legal cases varies across racial and ethnic groups. We hypothesized that minorities (African Americans, Hispanics), who generally express less trust in the legal system, may also express less trust in juries than non‐Hispanic whites. Method. A representative sample of 1,465 residents of Texas were surveyed and asked whether they would prefer a jury or a judge to be the decisionmaker in four hypothetical circumstances. Analyses control for a number of possible factors that might also predict views of the jury besides race and ethnicity. Results. Consistent with expectations, non‐Hispanic whites favored juries over judges, particularly if they imagined themselves as a defendant in a criminal trial. By comparison, African Americans and some Hispanics showed a weaker preference for a jury over a judge. African Americans had markedly lower support for the civil jury, but jury support was higher among minorities with prior jury service. Among Hispanics, respondents who took the survey in Spanish typically preferred a judge to make legal decisions. Conclusions. Faith in the jury as a more trustworthy decision‐making body is weakest among those groups that have a history of discriminatory treatment in the legal system and who are less acculturated on other measures, such as language dominance.     

Racial Diversity,Representative Bureaucracy,and Equity in Multiracial School Districts*

Objective. This study examines the conditions under which minorities will face policy inequity within the educational system. It turns to the theory of representative bureaucracy as one possible explanation, and extends the literature by considering whether African‐American students benefit from the presence of Latinos on teaching faculties and vice versa. This study also tests competing theories of how racial context influences minority educational policy outcomes. Methods. This study combines original survey data with data gathered by the U.S. Census to predict levels of academic grouping in U.S. school districts as reported by the Office of Civil Rights. Results. Minority teachers lower levels of discrimination among all minority students, not just co‐ethnics. Moreover, minority teachers do so consistently and with a substantive impact that occasionally rivals that of co‐ethnic teachers. The findings also suggest that greater levels of racial/ethnic diversity within a district are associated with lower levels of discrimination. Conclusion. Theories of race relations must move beyond black‐Anglo or Latino‐Anglo relations to consider how multiple racial/ethnic groups interact, and how such interactions affect the lives of minority groups differently.     

Race,Religion, and Opposition to Same‐Sex Marriage*

Objective. We examine racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and test whether the emerging black‐white gap is a function of religiosity. We explore how religious factors play a crucial role in racial differences, and how secular factors have varying effects on attitudes for whites and African Americans. Methods. Using data from the General Social Surveys, we estimate ordinal logistic regression models and stacked structural equation models. Results. We show that the racial divide is a function of African Americans' ties to sectarian Protestant religious denominations and high rates of church attendance. We also show racial differences in the influence of education and political values on opposition to same sex marriage. Conclusions. Religious factors are a source of racial differences in support for same‐sex marriage, and secular influences play less of a role in structuring African Americans' beliefs about same‐sex marriage.     

Apportioning the House of Representatives in 2000: The Effects of Alternative Policy Scenarios*

Objective. The goal of this article is to develop and examine eight different scenarios in which the U.S. House of Representatives is reapportioned for the year 2000 on the basis of eight scenarios in which the apportionment population is differentially defined. In each scenario we adjust the 2000 apportionment population of each of the 50 states on the basis of various aspects of immigration, eligibility to vote, the overseas population, and statistical sampling. Method. The method we use to apportion the House under each of the eight scenarios is the method of Equal Proportions, a divisor method that has been used to apportion the House since 1940. It endeavors to assign equitably to the 50 states, on the basis of population size, the 385 House seats that are available to be apportioned. Not all 435 House seats are assigned to the states using this method because each state automatically gets one seat. Results. We show that when the House of Representatives is reapportioned on the basis of any of the eight scenarios, there is a varying amount of redistribution of seats among the states. Many states end up gaining or losing seats, but not all are affected. Conclusion. There have been several legal challenges following the 2000 and earlier apportionments. The results of our analyses suggest that there will continue to be legal challenges to the 2000 and later apportionments. Since it is not likely that the Congress will permit a larger number of representatives than 435, apportionment challenges are really a zero‐sum game. Some states will gain political power, and others will lose it. This redistribution of power and its politically relevant consequences lead us to expect that apportionment challenges regarding the kinds of political and demographic issues raised in this article are not at all unlikely in the future.     

Disentangling Constituency and Legislator Effects in Legislative Representation: Black Legislators or Black Districts?*

Objective. Does the race of a legislator or does the black population of a district best predict legislative roll‐call voting in the interests of African Americans? Due to methodological limitations, no prior study has found that both the race of the legislator and the black district population are significant predictors of congressional roll‐call voting. Drawing on post Shaw v. Reno/Miller v. Johnson congressional districts (with greater data variance), I examine the effect of these two racial representation variables on roll‐call voting in the 104th–106th Congresses. Methods. Linear regression with random effects is employed in two statistical models. Results. Even when the black district population and party are considered, the presence of an African‐American legislator leads to greater substantive representation of black constituents. Conclusion. Districting plans that maximize the election of black legislators and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of liberal voting in Congress, while districting plans that maximize black district populations and Democrats are the most important for the aggregate enhancement of civil rights voting records in Congress.     

Ethnic Differences in Predictors of Support for Municipal Affirmative Action Contracting*

Objective. This study explores attitudes toward municipal affirmative action contracting among Anglos, African Americans, and Hispanics, testing predictors of support separately for each group and measuring changes over time. Methods. In five successive annual Houston‐area surveys, U.S.‐born Anglos, African Americans, Hispanics, and Hispanic immigrants evaluated a strong version of the city's affirmative action contracting program. Results. Ethnic contrasts in support were partly mediated by differences on the predictors. The predictors of affirmative action attitudes varied greatly by ethnic group. Changes in support across the five years appeared to be associated with the 1997 campaign surrounding the effort to end the city's affirmative action program, and with subsequent policy modifications. Conclusions. The ethnic divisions and the recent increases among all groups in support for the city's program underscore the value of crafting carefully targeted and flexible policies that are perceived to be responding only to documented disadvantage.     

Young maternal age and low birth weight risk: An exploration of racial/ethnic disparities in the birth outcomes of mothers in the United States

This study considers how low birth weight (LBW) prevalence varies by race/ethnicity and maternal age and explores mechanisms that explain disparities. Results show that maternal age patterns in LBW risk for African Americans differ from Whites and foreign- and U.S.-born Hispanics. Background socioeconomic disadvantage, together with current socioeconomic status and smoking during pregnancy, explain almost all of the LBW disparity between white teenage mothers and their older counterparts. These findings suggest that social disadvantage is a primary driver in unfavorable birth outcomes among white teenage mothers compared to older white mothers. Alternatively, background disadvantage and other social characteristics explain very little of the LBW disparities among African Americans and U.S.- and foreign-born Hispanics. Overall, these results indicate LBW disparities by maternal age are a complex product of socioeconomic disadvantage and current social and behavioral factors, such that LBW risk does not operate uniformly by race/ethnicity or maternal age.     

Racial Disparities in Access to Mortgage Credit: Does Governance Matter?*

Objectives. This article examines the effect of community organizing on the likelihood that minority borrowers pursue home mortgage credit from regulated lenders. Methods. Governance perspectives suggest that community organizations exert significant influence on policy outcomes. We use logistic regression with interaction terms to test the effect of community organizing on the lending outcomes of minority borrowers. We use a matched control sample of cities, drawing on 2004 loan data from two midwestern cities similar in racial and economic composition but with different histories of organizing around the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA). Results. We find differential effects based on an applicant's race or ethnicity. Overall, African‐American applicants are less likely to pursue mortgage credit for home ownership from regulated lenders than their white, non‐Hispanic counterparts. However, African Americans seeking mortgage credit in a city with a history of CRA organizing are more likely to apply to regulated lenders than their racial counterparts in a city without CRA organizing. However, while organizing reduces the disparities between white and African‐American applicants, a gap still remains. Conclusion. African‐American borrowers living in cities with a history of community organizing around CRA appear more likely to pursue mortgage credit from traditional, regulated lenders, suggesting that governance matters.     

Access to Healthcare Among Working‐Aged Hispanic Adults in the United States*

Objectives. The purpose of this research is to examine differences in access to and sources of healthcare for working‐aged adults among major Hispanic subpopulations of the United States. Nativity, duration in the United States, citizenship, and sociodemographic factors are considered as key predictors of access to and sources of care. Methods. Using pooled National Health Interview Surveys from 1999–2001, logistic and multinomial logistic regression models are estimated that compare Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and other Hispanics with non‐Hispanic blacks and non‐Hispanic whites. Results. Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and other Hispanics display significantly less access to care than non‐Hispanics whites, with immigrant status and socioeconomic status variables accounting for some, but not all, of the differences. For sources of care, Mexican‐American, Puerto Rican, and other Hispanic adults were all much more likely than non‐Hispanic whites to report clinics or emergency rooms as their source of regular care. Conclusions. There are wide differences in access to and sources of care across racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Mexican‐American adults, regardless if born in Mexico or the United States, appear to be most in need of access to regular and high‐quality care. Naturalization may be an especially important factor in greater access to regular and high‐quality care for Hispanic immigrants.     

Contact Theory Extended: The Effects of Prior Racial Contact on Current Social Ties

Objective . We address methodological limitations in tests of contact theory. Just as importantly, we extend its theoretical focus to behaviors. Linking insights from social and cognitive psychology with contact theory, we hypothesize that prior racial contact will have significant effects on the racial diversity of contemporary social ties. Methods . Using the 1999–2000 Lilly Survey of Attitudes and Social Networks, we conduct univariate and multivariate analyses to test our hypotheses. Results . Those who had experienced prior interracial contact in schools and neighborhoods were more likely, as adults, to have more racially diverse general social groups and friendship circles. They were more likely to attend multiracial as opposed to a uniracial religious congregations, and to be interracially married. In general, these findings applied not only to all Americans, but to whites, African Americans, and Hispanics separately. They did not apply to Asians. Conclusions . Contact theory can and should be extended, rendering it more fruitful for studying race relations. Except when groups are an extremely small percentage of the population, even limited prior contact in multiracial settings appears to have important effects on contemporary social ties. These findings have important policy implications.     

Ideology,Diversity, and Imprisonment: Considering the Influence of Local Politics on Racial and Ethnic Minority Incarceration Rates*

Objective. To test the influence of local (county) politics on minority incarceration rates. Methods. Data are collected at the county level in California to create a pooled cross‐sectional data set. OLS regression models predicting black, Hispanic, and white incarceration rates (in state prison) are used in the analysis. Results. Counties' ideological orientations and racial and ethnic contextual characteristics significantly impact minority incarceration rates. Greater ideological conservatism within counties is associated with higher rates (as a proportion of their population) of both black and Hispanic incarceration. Consistent with racial threat theory, results show counties with greater racial and ethnic diversity are more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics. Tests for interaction effects indicate that greater county diversity decreases the punitive effects of ideological conservatism on minority incarceration. Conclusion. Political forces nested within states systematically shape how state government incarceration power is distributed across different racial and ethnic groups.     

Racial Disparities in Welfare Dependence and Financial Independence: Links to Human Capital,Local Economy,and State Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Policies

This secondary data analysis examined racial disparities in associations betwen welfare dependence/financial independence and human capital, local economy, and state TANF policies. A sample of 6,737 parents was extracted from the public-use data set titled “National Longitudinal Survey of Youth.” Results showed that restrictive TANF policies reduced African Americans’ likelihood of welfare use and increased likelihood of their financial independence. Multinomial logistic results also showed that, among Hispanics, employment growth in neighboring counties promoted welfare use; whereas among Caucasians such growth promoted financial independence. County poverty increased (a) Caucasians’ likelihood of welfare use and (b) Hispanics’ likelihood of being working poor; it decreased Caucasians’ and African Americans’ likelihood of financial independence. Across ethnic groups, education reduced likelihood of welfare use and working poor status; across minority groups, education increased likelihood of financial independence, but among Caucasians it decreased such likelihood. Across ethnic groups, occupational skills hindered dependence and improved odds of employment (regardless of welfare or poverty status). This study concluded the studied TANF policies and job markets were not color-blind. Interventions this study implies include less-restrictive TANF policies, generous support services, TANF staff cultural-competence training, and antidiscrimination rules. Research investigating particular TANF policies’ and services’ effects by ethnicity might prove useful.     

The impact of racially disproportionate outcomes on public policy: The U.S. Senate and the death penalty

The implementation of particular public policies may infringe upon important civil rights of citizens. This article explores the relationship between the racially disproportionate effects of the death penalty and a subsequent attempt in the U.S. Senate to provide racial justice protection. While the most important explanatory factors of a senator's behavior are their political philosophy and the state homicide rate the findings also indicate that racially disproportionate outcomes under capital punishment in the senator's state are negatively associated with the probability that the senator will support racial justice protection. We discuss the importance of these findings.     

The Impact of Direct Election on Reform Votes in the U.S. Senate*

Objective. This investigation examines the extent to which direct election rendered the U.S. Senate more supportive of Progressive reforms, as indicated through roll‐call outcomes. Methods. Pre‐ and postaggregate support coalitions are compared in a 16‐year period bifurcated by passage of the Seventeenth Amendment (1905–1921), utilizing difference in means and ordinary least squares regression. An alternate test considers the aggregate impact of the rising percentage of states adopting pre‐Amendment direct‐election mechanisms. A difference in means test between Senate and House votes on similar bills is also provided. Results. Neither the Amendment nor the statewide movement toward direct election exerted the conventionally assumed, positive impact on reform support; House and Senate support scores were similar throughout the period. Conclusions. The data suggest a strong pro‐reform tendency in the Senate throughout the timeframe. The probable reason direct election demonstrates so little of the expected impact on outcomes is that the Senate had already begun to move in that direction.     

Religious affiliation and beliefs about racial inequality: White college students’ attitudes about Black-White and Native American-White inequality

Is religious affiliation associated with attitudes about racial inequality? While prior research has explored the relationship between religion and attitudes about Black-White inequality, studies exploring attitudes towards Native Americans are rare. Our study is the first to explore the association between religion and attitudes about Native American-White inequality. We find that religious subcultural differences do exist as Catholics, Protestants, and those with no religious affiliation tend to use different explanations for racial inequality, although the relationship between religious affiliation and attitudes is similar regardless of whether African Americans or Native Americans are the target. We also find that across religious groups there is a greater tendency to use person-centered or individual explanations for Native American-White inequality and structural explanations for Black-White inequality. We argue that consistent findings for the association of religious affiliation and attitudes for different racial groups provide support for the presence of religion specific cultural toolkits.     

Religious affiliation and Hispanic health in Utah

Two research hypotheses are addressed in this study. (1) Do health trajectories of Hispanics in Utah differ from what has been documented in states with longstanding large Hispanic populations? (2) Do non-Mormon groups in Utah have less favorable health status than Mormons in Utah? This study employs three health outcome measures: activity limitations caused by emotional problems, activity limitations caused by physical problems, and self-rated health status using the 2001 Utah Health Status Survey. Comparisons of Hispanics in their traditional settings within the U.S. generally show more favorable health status for Hispanics than for whites. We find little difference in health status between Hispanics in Utah and their Anglo counterparts. Hispanics were more likely than Anglos to have “a little” activity limitation due to physical problems, but were not more likely to report “a little” or “considerable” activity limitations due to emotional or physical problems. Hispanics and Anglos were statistically equal in probability of self-reported fair to poor health. Important in relation to studies outside of Utah, we find little support for the epidemiologic paradox, the usual finding of more favorable health for Hispanics than for whites. As with ethnicity, we find little difference between non-Mormon and Mormons with respect to health. The most notable exception is that Mormon Hispanics are at a significantly greater risk of emotional problems than Catholic Hispanics in Utah.     

Marital Assimilation Among Hispanics: Evidence of Declining Cultural and Economic Incorporation?*

Objective. We document intermarriage patterns between Hispanics and non‐Hispanic whites over the 1990 to 2000 period in 155 U.S. metropolitan areas and evaluate the effects of spatial, cultural, and economic assimilation on interdecade changes in intermarriage. We hypothesize that changes in Hispanic‐white intermarriage during the 1990s reflect changing spatial, cultural, and economic assimilation among U.S. Hispanics. Methods. We use data from the 1990 and 2000 Census Public Use Microdata Samples. Results. Analyses show that intermarriage between Hispanics and non‐Hispanic whites declined during the 1990s, a result fueled in part by burgeoning immigration of Hispanics, especially Mexicans. The 1990s also ushered in a period of increasing Hispanic segregation from non‐Hispanic whites, growing language barriers, and accelerated educational inequality, which also dampened Hispanic‐white intermarriage rates. Conclusions. Our results imply that the Hispanic population is at a transition point, if intermarriage rates are an indication, and possibly a new period of retrenchment in the assimilation process.     

Religion and Abortion Attitudes Among U.S. Hispanics: Findings from the 1990 Latino National Political Survey*

Objective. The goal of this article is to examine the relationship between religious involvement, gauged mainly in terms of affiliation and frequency of attendance at services, and abortion attitudes among three major Hispanic subgroups: Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban Americans. Method. The study analyzes data from the Latino National Political Survey, a sample of over 2,700 U.S. Hispanics completed in 1990. Results. Committed (i.e., regularly attending) Hispanic Protestants, most of whom belong to conservative groups, are more strongly pro‐life than any other segment of the Latino population, and are much more likely than others to support a total abortion ban. Committed Catholics also tend to hold pro‐life views, but they are relatively more likely to endorse an abortion ban that includes exceptions for rape, incest, and threats to the mother's life. Less devoted Catholics and Protestants generally do not differ from religiously unaffiliated Hispanics in their abortion views. There are also modest variations in the links between religious involvement and abortion attitudes across the three Latino subgroups. Conclusion. Religious factors are highly important predictors of Hispanics' preferences regarding abortion policies. Contrary to some previous discussions, it is committed Protestants, more so than Catholics, who are the staunchest opponents of abortion in the Latino population.