Progressive Counseling with Latino Refugees and Families

Latinos who have escaped political violence in their home countries often experience difficulties when relocating to the United States. They are often labelled "economic migrants" rather than refugees, suggesting that the United States government and its social welfare services also have difficulties in accepting these displaced persons. The psychosocial experiences of refugees are examined with a view towards integrating treatment with interventions that attend to the larger social issues affecting these survivors of right wing political violence.     

Pensioners' political parties in Israel

Involvement and participation of older persons in politics and political systems reflect the extent to which they are integrated into their society. During the last two decades, political parties of pensioners have emerged in a number of countries, including Israel, and have run candidates in national elections. If only 10% of those aged 65 and older had voted for pensioners' parties in Israel, they would have qualified for two "pensioners" seats in the Knesset (Israel's parliament). However, they suffered complete defeat, as has been the case in most other countries. This article first describes the phenomenon of pensioners' political parties in Israel, examines the circumstances around their emergence, and presents their goals. Second, it identifies and analyzes the causes for their political defeat. Third, it discusses alternatives to political parties to promote the interests of the older population. Finally, implications for further research are raised.     

The Moral Accounting of Terrorism: Competing Interpretations of September 11, 2001

Drawing on comparative case studies, the research elucidates competing constructions of justice, responsibility, and victimhood articulated in response to September 11, 2001 on three digital discourse fora in Brazil, France, and the United States. The research extracts the moral metaphors through which Brazilian, French, and American participants judge the terrorist acts. It contrasts the underlying moral accounting schemes employed to legitimize or delegitimize the use of terrorism on 9/11. Two contrasting standpoints on political violence and associated moral underpinnings are elucidated: the morality of retribution and the morality of absolute goodness (Lakoff 2002). One ideological faction uses the morality of retribution to hold the US accountable for inciting the terrorists to act. For these individuals, political violence can be seen as a form of action that upholds a binary framing of moral order in which all moral debts must be paid. By contrast, opposing camps employ the morality of absolute goodness to condemn the terrorists by arguing that terrorist violence is inherently unjustifiable, as it necessarily results in human suffering.

Bandits,Militants, and Martyrs: Sub-state Violence as Claim to Authority in Late Antique North Africa

Fourth Century North Africa was a site of intense religious and political conflict. Emerging from a period of persecution and newly legitimized by the Roman state, the Christian Church immediately fractured into two competing camps. Now known as the Donatist schism, this fracture was the result of competing claims to religious authority between two camps of bishops, but the doctrinal debate at its core precipitated a specific form of violence: attacks on clergy and property perpetrated by roving groups of militant bandits. Known as circumcellions, these bands acquired a perverse reputation for religious zeal, a desire for martyrdom, and what their opponents described as the ‘madness’ and ‘insanity’ of their violence. Here I analyze sources produced by both Donatists and Catholics to trace patterns of circumcellion violence. I draw on borderland theory and research on non-state violence to argue that such acts were not mad, but rather the result of strategic efforts to consolidate religious and political power. In this, Donatism and the sectarian violence that accompanied it provide important insights into how banditry and peasant rebellions can serve as alternate sources of social and political power, avenues through which heterodox movements challenge the power state and religious hierarchies alike.     

Linking political violence and refugee situations in the Horn of Africa: an empirical approach

The author attempts to quantitatively investigate and explain possible relationships between patterns of political violence and refugee formations, identifying political violence variables which contribute most to refugee movements in the Horn of Africa. Particular attention is given to the extent to which refugee movements were influenced by domestic and international political violence patterns; which of the violence variables was more important in explaining refugee movements; and whether there were common patterns in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan with respect to refugee movements. Findings from the analysis of political violence variables indicate that the intervention of extra-regional powers in domestic or inter-state conflicts had a significant effect in generating refugees. The involvement of external forces either increased the actual level and intensity of violence or created a perception of uncontrolled turmoil and further bloodshed in the future. In both situations, large numbers of refugees sought shelter across international boundaries.     

Towards Balancing Power in Domestic Violence Relationships

Women's powerlessness to effect change in their partner's violence has been promoted in the literature. This has led to a downgrading in therapeutic responses to domestic violence and an over-reliance on legalistic remedies. However, many victims of domestic violence assert often that they want their relationships to survive and the violence to stop. Others may wish to leave their partners but find this too difficult. This paper describes a therapeutic/educational group program which set out to identify how women can become empowered and effect positive change in their partner's violent behaviour. The balancing of power was based upon the application of a set of guidelines which were applied in conjunction with McDonald's (1989) Cycle of Violence, with cognisance given to perpetrator characteristics. This initiative broadens the range of services available to women and it questions the political correctness of current domestic violence public social policy.     

Perceived Need for Psychosocial Services in the Context of Political Violence: Psychological Distress Among Israeli Mothers with Young Children

The current study investigated the association between mothers’ perceived need for psychosocial services due to exposure to political violence, and theirs and their children’s psychological distress. A representative sample of 904 Israeli mothers of young children aged 2–6 were asked to fill out a questionnaire about exposure to war and other types of trauma, psychological distress, social support, and perceived need for help. The results showed that mothers who reported a need for psychosocial services due to exposure to political violence had higher levels of exposure to political violence, depressive symptoms and more emotional problems in their young children than mothers who reported no need for help. Those who reported a need for psychosocial services also had less social support even when all other variables are controlled. Furthermore, Arab mothers and mothers with low family income perceived a greater need for psychosocial services. The implications of this study are relevant for policies of outreach to vulnerable groups in situations of ongoing political violence.     

The hero fallacy paradox: Cognitive dissonance and the rationalization of political violence

This research explores the theoretical underpinnings of the expressed hero narrative utilized by groups and individuals to justify their opposition and use of violence against their own government and citizens. By using narrative analysis, this research deconstructs the language used by the groups and individuals involved in the 6 January 2021, attack on the United States Capitol. What emerges is a theory of self-radicalization and rationalization where one believes their actions are justified because they perceive themselves to be the hero. Their belief and ideology are built on a foundation of cognitive dissonance, in which they construct a paradoxical hero identity, all while engaged in destructive political violence.     

Motherhood,Myth and Gendered Agency in Political Violence

By building on theoretical insights from poststructuralist feminism and Roland Barthes' mythology framework, this article is offering a nuanced understanding of female agency in political violence by engaging with the visual and the cultural, by using a broader definition of agency in political violence and by analysing what gendered representations of war mean at the domestic level. In the first part of the article, the Myth of Motherhood is conceptualized as a meta-discourse disciplining representations of female agency in political violence. The article then focuses on two specific discourses within the meta-discourse, the Vacant Womb and the Deviant Womb, that inform understandings of gender, agency and political violence in one particular cultural artefact: the British television drama, Britz. The main argument is that motherhood is ‘everywhere’ in representations of female agency in political violence and that it is useful to think about motherhood as a myth. Only this way can we confront underlying norms, values and ideas believed to be common sense and think differently about gender, agency and political violence.     

Using life histories to explore change: women's urban struggles in Cape Town,South Africa

This article shows how life histories can be useful in analyzing the impact of political and economic change on the lives of individuals and social groups in South Africa. Four case studies are presented to highlight the shared and individual experiences of four women who arrived in Cape Town in defiance of the pass laws, which prohibited such migration. Comparing the four stories, it is clear that certain aspects of South Africa's influx controls affected all the women as women. Women were the targets of most pass raids in the townships, hostels, squatter camps and held a much more precarious position in the city. Also, the age and stage in the life cycle determined their ability to make a living in their town in order to survive shocking outbreaks of violence in the Crossroads squatter camp in 1983 and to avoid arrest under the "pass laws" of the apartheid era.     

The Mfecane as Teaching Aid: History, Politics and Pedagogy in Southern Africa1

Abstract The mfecane refers to the wars and migrations which took place in southern Africa between the 1810s and 1840s. Historians have long debated its causes, as well as drawn radically different conclusions from it about the "nature" of Africans. Most controversially, it has been used to reify African "tribalism" and justify apartheid. The present process of democratization in the region has renewed controversy as ethnic groups use versions of mfecane history to back special claims. From a teaching perspective, I sketch the relationship between the rival historiographies and the changing political context. I also argue that the present mfecane debates are a rich teaching resource which can facilitate discussion of a number of key historiographical and pedagogical issues. These include the use or abuse of sources, the effects of race and gender socialization on the production of historical knowledge, and the responsibilities of historians in contexts of political violence and social injustice.     

Racial accountabilities: the legal legibility of racial state violence in the Special State’s Attorney Report on Police Torture in Chicago

Public inquiries command significant political capital for liberal democratic states that premise their authority on being accountable to a generalized public sphere. By attending to the particular relations of visibility that are generated by these investigative state institutions, this article reveals the differentiated forms of legal and political accountability that structure the proceedings and case history of the 2006 Special State’s Attorney Report, which investigated the torture of African American suspects by Chicago police officers under the supervision of former Commander Jon Burge. More specifically, this article documents the racial relations of power that shape how state actors and institutions are made to answer for their conduct, explicating the ‘racial accountabilities’ that mediated this public inquiry as well as the practices of state violence it was tasked with investigating. On the one hand, these forms of accountability focused blame on the individualized actions of particular state actors, abstracting their conduct from the broader systemic conditions that have rendered African American populations vulnerable to racial state violence. On the other hand, this article explains how the forensic gaze deployed throughout the legal investigations into torture reconstituted its victims as objects of law with differential access to its forms of protection and technologies of redress. By detailing the force and dimensions of these racial accountabilities, this article illustrates how public inquiries and other institutions of law can reproduce and extend racial fields of violence while also regenerating public confidence in the efficacy and equality of the state.     

Family violence laws: Traditional narratives and the (in)visibility of lesbian relationships and lesbian-parented families

Abstract

Feminist advocacy and activism over the last 40 years broke historic ground in shining a light on “domestic” or “family” violence, traditionally conceptualized as male violence against female intimate partners and their children. This has resulted in a large body of research, particularly in the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and similar jurisdictions, around the gendered nature of family violence and violence within heterosexual relationships and heterosexual-parented families. As a consequence, the predominant narrative—in political, policy, and advocacy settings—is largely heteronormative. Less research has focused on family violence in non-heterosexual relationships. The data that do exist have employed different methodological approaches and there are limitations on the extent to which they can be compared to the data on violence within heterosexual relationships. However, the existing research does demonstrate that family violence within lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) communities is a significant issue. Even so, the current narrative does not acknowledge this, and predominantly reflects heterosexual norms of intimate relationships and family structures in society. LGBTI relationships are described as “invisible” in policy and practice responses to family violence, due to the failure to acknowledge violence in such communities. This article explores these claims in relation to lesbian relationships in the context of Australian legislative responses to family violence. It considers the extent to which family violence laws in two Australian jurisdictions recognize and frame lesbian identity in intimate relationships and lesbian-parented families. This is considered in light of the emerging conceptualization of family violence in lesbian relationships and lesbian-parented families, as evidenced by the wider scholarly literature on the nature and dynamics of such violence.     

Research on Social Movements and Political Violence

Attention to extreme forms of political violence in the social sciences has been episodic, and studies of different forms of political violence have followed different approaches, with “breakdown” theories mostly used for the analysis of right-wing radicalism, social movement theories sometimes adapted to research on left-wing radical groups, and area study specialists focusing on ethnic and religious forms. Some of the studies on extreme forms of political violence that have emerged within the social movement tradition have nevertheless been able to trace processes of conflict escalation through the detailed examination of historical cases. This article assesses some of the knowledge acquired in previous research approaching issues of political violence from the social movement perspective, as well as the challenges coming from new waves of debate on terrorist and counterterrorist action and discourses. In doing this, the article reviews contributions coming from research looking at violence as escalation of action repertoires within protest cycles; political opportunity and the state in escalation processes; resource mobilization and violent organizations; narratives of violence; and militant constructions of external reality.

Violence,Police and Riots in New Orleans Political Culture: 1854–18741

Abstract Through an analysis of four major riots in New Orleans between 1854 and 1874, this paper examines the central role of local police forces in the violent New Orleans political culture. Through this analysis, the paper questions the extent to which not just exclusion, but political violence, is embedded in American republicanism. From the re-integration of the city in 1852 well into the Jim Crow era, police forces served as party operatives in New Orleans, insuring through violence that their party won majority on the city council or losing their positions, en masse, if they did not. These patterns of mob violence highlight the remarkable extent to which majority approval figured over rule of law in mid-nineteenth century republicanism.     

Canadian Male Street Skinheads: Street Gang or Street Terrorists?

Des recherches menées sur le comportement violent et la conception politique de skinheads canadiens sans domicile fixe ont démontré que ces derniers sont issus de families où règnent la violence et l'oppression. Ces jeunes hommes ont done tendance à reproduire un comportement dont la violence est exacerbée par la vie scolaire, par le fait d'être sans logis et par l'influence néfaste du groupe de la rue qui prône un comportement agressif. La conception politique incohérente des skinheads puise dans la violence: la structure précaire du groupe et l'oppression qu'ont subies les jeunes sont d'autres facteurs qui viennent entraver la volonté de concevoir une activité politique à long terme.
Research examined the violent behaviour and the political consciousness of Canadian male street skinheads. The results reveal that skinheads are drawn from homes characterized by extreme violence and oppression. These experiences leave these youths vulnerable to violent behaviour. These tendencies are exacerbated by their school experiences, their homelessness, and the group and street norms that support and promote aggressive behaviour. The political consciousness of skinheads is rooted in extreme violence and lacks coherence: this, combined with the structure of the groups and their histories of oppression, serves to inhibit long-term organized political activity.     

A Measure of Justice: The Rabinal Human Rights Movement in Post-War Guatemala

This article explores one region’s struggle for human rights and legal justice in post-war Guatemala. Rabinal—a target of state-directed genocide in the 1980s—suffered one of the highest fatality levels of the war. In the post-war era, Rabinal human rights activists have led the struggle to demand exhumations of mass graves, build memorials, and push for criminal investigations and trials. Despite some important local victories, few of those responsible for the violence have received punishment. But that does not mean this movement is a failure. Instead, this article highlights the cultural, expressive and inprocess benefits of mobilization. Rabinal activists have restored their sense of agency and confirmed their collective identity as fighters for legal justice. Meanwhile, this local mobilization has contributed to Guatemala’s uneven process of democratization.

A review of research on women's use of violence with male intimate partners

This article provides a review of research literature on women who use violence with intimate partners. The central purpose is to inform service providers in the military and civilian communities who work with domestically violent women. The major points of this review are as follows: (a) women's violence usually occurs in the context of violence against them by their male partners; (b) in general, women and men perpetrate equivalent levels of physical and psychological aggression, but evidence suggests that men perpetrate sexual abuse, coercive control, and stalking more frequently than women and that women also are much more frequently injured during domestic violence incidents; (c) women and men are equally likely to initiate physical violence in relationships involving less serious "situational couple violence," and in relationships in which serious and very violent "intimate terrorism" occurs, men are much more likely to be perpetrators and women victims; (d) women's physical violence is more likely than men's violence to be motivated by self-defense and fear, whereas men's physical violence is more likely than women's to be driven by control motives; (e) studies of couples in mutually violent relationships find more negative effects for women than for men; and (f) because of the many differences in behaviors and motivations between women's and men's violence, interventions based on male models of partner violence are likely not effective for many women.     

Taking Control or Losing Control? Activist Narratives of Provocation and Collective Violence

This article examines the complex relationship between political agency, responsibility, and collective violence in connection with political protest. Contemporary Danish and Swedish left-wing activist narratives of police provocations at political protest events are analysed to clarify how provocation and its relation to the outbreak of violence are retrospectively constructed in radical milieus. Three ‘provocation plots’ are identified that, respectively, present (1) the interaction as purely a matter of attack and defence, (2) provocation as a cause of anger leading to retaliation, and (3) provocation as a trigger bringing about a redefinition of the situation that then offers an opportunity for violence. Subsequent negotiations among political activists regarding the position of moral high ground revolved around the issue of whether responding to the provocation in each of these cases meant taking or losing control of the situation. Internet discussion forums are highlighted as important arenas for debates among members of protest coalitions and in broader social movement milieus in which the interpretation of protest events and their implications for future protest tactics is negotiated. In the cases considered, storytelling after violent events was used to make sense of, and evaluate, often quite chaotic and ambiguous processes of violent confrontation, suggesting itself as a key to understanding the micro-dynamics of how social movement repertoires of action are maintained and developed.     

当代中东伊斯兰激进组织的暴力行为研究

中东伊斯兰激进组织行动无论与“基地”是否有关，也无论具体的行动是否由本·拉登策划和指挥，绝大部分都打着“本·拉登”的旗号，对外宣称是“基地”组织的一部分。它们选择各种暴力方式，将主要目标指向以美国为首的西方大国、以色列和中东地区的亲美世俗政府，’通过威胁性的政治报复性爆炸、恐吓性的经济破坏性屠杀和胁迫性谈判的劫机绑架等途径，追求轰动效应和恐怖后果，从而满足某种政治诉求。