Proximate sources of population sex imbalance in india

There is a population sex imbalance in India. Despite a consensus that this imbalance is due to excess female mortality, the specific source of this excess mortality remains poorly understood. I use microdata on child survival in India to analyze the proximate sources of the sex imbalance. I address two questions: when in life does the sex imbalance arise, and what health or nutritional investments are specifically responsible for its appearance? I present a new methodology that uses microdata on child survival. This methodology explicitly takes into account both the possibility of naturally occurring sex differences in survival and possible differences between investments in their importance for survival. Consistent with existing literature, I find significant excess female mortality in childhood, particularly between the ages of 1 and 5, and argue that the sex imbalance that exists by age 5 is large enough to explain virtually the entire imbalance in the population. Within this age group, sex differences in vaccinations explain between 20% and 30% of excess female mortality, malnutrition explains an additional 20%, and differences in treatment for illness play a smaller role. Together, these investments account for approximately 50% of the sex imbalance in mortality in India.India has a serious population sex imbalance. There are around 108 men for every 100 women in the country as a whole. In a country with the same level of development and typical mortality patterns, one would expect to see about 100 men for every 100 women. Sen (1990, 1992) coined the phrase “missing women” to describe this population imbalance, and attributed it to sex discrimination. Consistent with this view, other authors (Kishor 1993; Visaria 1971) have argued, based on census data and other sources, that the sex imbalance is almost certainly due to excess female mortality.There is a very large literature on the underlying sources of parental sex preferences (see, e.g., Agnihotri 2000; Agnihotri, Palmer-Jones, and Parikh 2002; Murthi, Mamta, and Dreze 1995; Qian 2008; Rosenzweig and Schultz 1982) that focuses on the relative contributions of factors such as female labor-force participation and female education in determining overall sex ratios. A second literature, more closely related to this work, focuses on the proximate sources of female mortality¹: that is, conditional on preferences, what specific treatments (or lack thereof) are responsible for the differences in mortality (Basu 1989; Borooah 2004; Griffiths, Matthews, and Hinde 2002; Mishra, Roy, and Retherford 2004; Pande 2003).Despite this second literature, a coherent overall picture of the proximate sources of excess female mortality is still lacking. This article focuses on two primary questions: at what ages does most of the excess female mortality occur, and what is the relative contribution of various forms of neglect to this excess mortality? In contrast to most of the existing literature, I am concerned not only with whether various health and nutrition inputs play a role, but also with how large that role is.The methodology used here, formally outlined in the following section, differs from most of the previous literature in two ways. First, I use data from Africa on sex differences in mortality and child health investments as a comparison for India. Existing literature (e.g., Das Gupta 1987) has often focused solely on sex differences in mortality in India. However, because when boys and girls receive equal treatment by their parents or caregivers, boys are more likely to die, the lack of a comparison group likely understates the extent of excess female mortality. Second, when considering the proximate sources of excess female mortality in childhood, I consider not only the difference in treatment but also the importance of that treatment for mortality (i.e., the difference in mortality probability with and without treatment). Multiplying these two factors gives full information about the importance of each element for understanding the overall excess female mortality. The literature generally has considered only the difference across sexes in each treatment; it has not considered the importance of these treatments in mortality, which is crucial for evaluating the relative contribution of each input (Basu 1989; Borooah 2004; Griffiths et al. 2002; Mishra et al. 2004; Pande 2003).²I first use microdata to identify exactly the age source of the excess female mortality in childhood and to explore the importance of childhood sex bias in the overall imbalance. This question has, of course, been addressed by other researchers (Das Gupta and Bhat 1997; Dyson 1984; Klasen 1994; Padmanabha 1982; Preston and Bhat 1984); the work here uses a new methodology, but the results largely echo what has been found in the previous literature. In particular, the results suggest important variations within young children. All areas of India see relatively little excess female mortality between the ages of a few months and 2 years, yet substantial excess mortality between 2 and 5 years of age. I also present evidence on the contribution of the under-5 sex ratio bias to the overall bias. Using demographers’ life tables (Coale, Demeny, and Vaughn 1983), I calculate the expected sex ratio overall in India, assuming the empirically observed sex ratio at 5 years of age, and normal mortality thereafter. This exercise suggests that virtually all the sex ratio imbalance in the country can be explained by excess under-5 mortality.Following this analysis, I move on to the primary contribution of the article, exploring the proximate sources of this excess female mortality between the ages of 2 and 5. Consistent with previous literature, I focus on biases in nutrition, preventative medicine, and medical treatment. The evidence here suggests that, contrary to some of the previous literature, sex differences in vaccinations play a very large role in the sex imbalance, explaining about 20% to 30%. Malnutrition explains about 20%. Interestingly, differences in treatment for respiratory infections and diarrhea together explain only about 5% of the imbalance, and approximately 50% is left unexplained by these childhood investments.The results here have potentially important policy implications, suggesting that increases in vaccinations for girls could have a large effect on the overall sex imbalance in India.     

Gender, resources across the life course, and cognitive functioning in Egypt

In this article, I evaluate the life-course determinants of cognitive functioning among 1,003 women and men aged 50 and older in Ismailia, Egypt. Three questions motivate this analysis: (1) Do older women have poorer cognitive functioning than do older men?; (2) Do cognitive resources accrued in childhood and adulthood have net positive associations with later-life cognitive functioning for women and men?; and (3) To what extent do differences in the amounts and effects of women’s and men’s cognitive resources account for gaps in their cognitive functioning? Compared with men, women have lower Modified-Mini Mental Status Exam (M-MMSE) scores for overall cognitive functioning. Cognitive resources in childhood and adulthood are jointly associated with the M-MMSE score. About 83% of the gender gap in mean M-MMSE scores is attributable to gaps in men’s and women’s attributes across the life course. Gender gaps in childhood cognitive resources—and especially schooling attainment—account for the largest share (18%) of the residual gender gap in cognitive functioning.Preferential investments in the human resources of boys have been common to many resource-poor settings (King and Mason 2001; Lloyd 2005), and the effects of such investments on gender gaps in child health are known (e.g., Hill and Upchurch 1995). Less well known is the extent to which gender gaps in resources that are accrued across the life course account for gender gaps in later-life health, despite known gender differences in the risks of illness, disability, and death. Demographic research on later-life health also has focused on physical conditions, even though dementia and neuropsychiatric disorders account for a large (~3%) and growing share of the disease burden worldwide (World Health Organization [WHO] 2007).This article assesses the determinants of cognitive functioning among older women and men (e.g., those aged 50 and older) in Ismailia, Egypt. It explores whether and to what extent (1) women have poorer cognitive functioning than men, (2) cognitive resources in childhood and adulthood have net positive associations with cognitive functioning for women and men, and (3) differences in the amounts and effects of women’s and men’s cognitive resources account for differences in their cognitive functioning. Egypt is a superb setting in which to conduct this work because of long-standing gender gaps in opportunities across the life course (e.g., Yount 2001; Yount and Sibai forthcoming) and poor knowledge about their potential effects on later-life cognitive functioning.     

Understanding links between adolescent health and educational attainment

The educational and economic consequences of poor health during childhood and adolescence have become increasingly clear, with a resurgence of evidence leading researchers to reconsider the potentially significant contribution of early-life health to population welfare both within and across generations. Meaningful relationships between early-life health and educational attainment raise important questions about how health may influence educational success in young adulthood and beyond, as well as for whom its influence is strongest. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, I examine how adolescents’ health and social status act together to create educational disparities in young adulthood, focusing on two questions in particular. First, does the link between adolescent health and educational attainment vary across socioeconomic and racial/ethnic groups? Second, what academic factors explain the connection between adolescent health and educational attainment? The findings suggest that poorer health in adolescence is strongly negatively related to educational attainment, net of both observed confounders and unobserved, time-invariant characteristics within households. The reduction in attainment is particularly large for non-Hispanic white adolescents, suggesting that the negative educational consequences of poor health are not limited to only the most socially disadvantaged adolescents. Finally, I find that the link between adolescent health and educational attainment is explained by academic factors related to educational participation and, most importantly, academic performance, rather than by reduced educational expectations. These findings add complexity to our understanding of how the educational consequences of poor health apply across the social hierarchy, as well as why poor health may lead adolescents to complete less schooling.In a presidential address to the Population Association of America, Palloni (2006) emphasized the need for research on early-life health as a mechanism in the intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic status. Although poor health is well known as a consequence of childhood and family socioeconomic conditions, it is also clear that illness during childhood and adolescence has lasting educational and socioeconomic effects (Case, Fertig, and Paxson 2005; Conley and Bennett 2000; Smith 2005). What remains less clear is how health early in life influences educational success in young adulthood and beyond. Do those with a health disadvantage graduate from high school at lower rates, for example, because they perform poorly in school or because they and their families develop reduced expectations for the future? In addition, how do race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status complicate these relationships? Our understanding of how health’s influence on educational attainment differs across groups is unclear.This article considers these complexities by asking several questions. It confirms that health during adolescence is strongly negatively associated with educational attainment and then examines this relationship in greater depth than is typical. First, I examine variation in the link between health and educational attainment along socioeconomic and racial/ethnic lines. Are the families of adolescents in poorer health better able to mitigate the negative educational consequences of a condition if they are socially and/or economically advantaged? Or do youths in these families suffer an equal or greater disadvantage? Second, I evaluate the role of academic factors—specifically, educational participation, performance, and expectations—that may explain the connection between adolescents’ health and educational attainment. I examine these questions with data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97), with an overall goal of understanding the ways in which health and social status act together to create educational disparities in the early life course.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Knot yet</Emphasis>: minimum marriage age law,marriage delay,and earnings

Despite the historical highs for age at first marriage, little is known about the causal relationship between marriage delay and wages, and more importantly, the mechanisms driving such relationship. We attempt to fill the void. Building on an identification strategy proposed in Dahl (Demography 47:689–718, 2010), we first establish the causal wage effects of marriage delay. We then propose ways to distinguish among competing theories and hypotheses, as well as the channels through which marriage delay affects wages. Specifically, we take advantage of their different implications for causal relationship, across gender and sub-populations. We reach two conclusions. First, we find a positive causal impact of marriage delay on wages, with a larger effect for women. Comparison of IV and OLS estimates suggests that the observed relationship between marriage delay and wages is attributed to both selection in late marriages and true causal effects. Second, we find strong evidence that the positive, causal effects are almost exclusively through increased education for both men and women.     

Do youth nonmarital childbearing choices reflect income and relationship expectations?

We hypothesize that teen nonmarital birth events are influenced by adolescent girls’ perceptions of the consequences of their choices. Two such consequences are explored: (1) a teen’s expected future marriage and cohabitation relationships and (2) the present value of expected future income. We also measure the effects of the characteristics of the teen, her prior choices, her family, her neighborhood, and the social and economic environment in which she lives. The results, based on the Michigan Panel Study of Income Dynamics, suggest that teens place greater weight on the relationship consequences than the income consequences, but that both consequences influence their nonmarital birth choices.

The effect of non-family experiences on age of marriage in a setting of rapid social change

This study examines the changing effects of non-family activities on the age of transition to first marriage in four cohorts of individuals across 45 years in the Chitwan Valley, Nepal. The results indicate that school enrolment had a negative effect on both men's and women's marriage rates, while total years of schooling had a positive effect on men's marriage rates. Non-family employment experiences increased marriage rates for men only. Analysing the effects of schooling and employment over time suggests that school enrolment became a growing deterrent to marriage for both sexes, and that non-family employment became an increasingly desirable attribute in men. The results are consistent with changing views about sex roles and schooling over time in the region, as the roles of student and spouse became more distinct. The results also suggest an increasing integration of husbands in the non-family labour market.     

Schooling,marriage, and age at first birth in Madagascar

The low school attainment, early marriage, and low age at first birth of females are major policy concerns in less developed countries. This study jointly estimated the determinants of educational attainment, marriage age, and age at first birth among females aged 12–25 in Madagascar, explicitly accounting for the endogeneities that arose from modelling these related outcomes simultaneously. An additional year of schooling results in a delay to marriage of 1.5?years and marrying 1?year later delays age at first birth by 0.5?years. Parents’ education and wealth also have important effects on schooling, marriage, and age at first birth, with a woman's first birth being delayed by 0.75?years if her mother had 4 additional years of schooling. Overall, our results provide rigorous evidence for the critical role of education—both individual women's own and that of their parents—in delaying the marriage and fertility of young women.     

The Impact of State Abortion Policies on Teen Pregnancy Rates

The availability of abortion provides insurance against unwanted pregnancies since abortion is the only birth control method which allows women to avoid an unwanted birth once they are pregnant. Restrictive state abortion policies, which increase the cost of obtaining an abortion, may increase women’s incentive to alter their pregnancy avoidance behavior, thereby reducing the likelihood of unwanted pregnancies. This study, using state-level data for the years 1982, 1992, and 2000, examines the impact of restrictive state abortion laws on teen pregnancy rates. The empirical results indicate that the price of an abortion, Medicaid funding restrictions, and informed consent laws reduce teen, minor teen and non-minor teen pregnancy rates. The empirical results suggest that these abortion policy restrictions affect the unprotected sexual activity of teens resulting in fewer unwanted teen pregnancies.     

The effect of non-family experiences on age of marriage in a setting of rapid social change

This study examines the changing effects of non-family activities on the age of transition to first marriage in four cohorts of individuals across 45 years in the Chitwan Valley, Nepal. The results indicate that school enrolment had a negative effect on both men's and women's marriage rates, while total years of schooling had a positive effect on men's marriage rates. Non-family employment experiences increased marriage rates for men only. Analysing the effects of schooling and employment over time suggests that school enrolment became a growing deterrent to marriage for both sexes, and that non-family employment became an increasingly desirable attribute in men. The results are consistent with changing views about sex roles and schooling over time in the region, as the roles of student and spouse became more distinct. The results also suggest an increasing integration of husbands in the non-family labour market.     

National estimates of teenage sexual activity: Evaluating the comparability of three national surveys

In this article, we examine the reliability with which teenage sexual activity was reported in three recent national surveys. Unlike other study-effects analyses of objective demographic phenomena such as births and marriages, ours focuses on a more sensitive question--age at first intercourse as reported in three very different surveys. Specifically, we compare reports for the 1959-1963 cohort in the 1979 Kantner-Zelnik Study of Young Women, the 1982 National Survey of Family Growth, and the 1983 wave of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. For the ages when the majority of teens become sexually active (16-19), the three surveys provide comparable estimates of early sexual activity. For the younger teen ages, however, there is some disagreement among the estimates. Nevertheless, all three studies produce consistent estimates of the determinants of sexual activity throughout the teen years.     

Effects of child support and welfare policies on nonmarital teenage childbearing and motherhood

This paper is an assessment of the impact of child support enforcement and welfare policies on nonmarital teenage childbearing and motherhood. We derive four hypotheses about the effects of policies on nonmarital teenage childbearing and motherhood. We propose that teenage motherhood and school enrollment are joint decisions for teenage girls. Based on individual trajectories during ages 12–19, our analysis uses an event history model for nonmarital teenage childbearing and a dynamic model of motherhood that is jointly determined with school enrollment. We find some evidence that child support policies indirectly reduce teen motherhood by increasing the probability of school enrollment, which, in turn, reduces the probability of teen motherhood. This finding suggests that welfare offices may wish to place greater weight on outreach programs that inform more teenagers of the existence of strong child support enforcement measures. Such programs might reduce nonmarital teen motherhood further and thus reduce the need for welfare support and child support enforcement in the long run.

Forced Marriage and Birth Outcomes

We study the impact of marriages resulting from bride kidnapping on infant birth weight. Bride kidnapping—a form of forced marriage—implies that women are abducted by men and have little choice other than to marry their kidnappers. Given this lack of choice over the spouse, we expect adverse consequences for women in such marriages. Remarkable survey data from the Central Asian nation of Kyrgyzstan enable exploration of differential birth outcomes for women in kidnap-based and other types of marriage using both OLS and IV estimation. We find that children born to mothers in kidnap-based marriages have lower birth weight compared with children born to other mothers. The largest difference is between kidnap-based and arranged marriages: the magnitude of the birth weight loss is in the range of 2 % to 6 % of average birth weight. Our finding is one of the first statistically sound estimates of the impact of forced marriage and implies not only adverse consequences for the women involved but potentially also for their children.     

Is the Association Between Education and Fertility Postponement Causal? The Role of Family Background Factors

A large body of literature has demonstrated a positive relationship between education and age at first birth. However, this relationship may be partly spurious because of family background factors that cannot be controlled for in most research designs. We investigate the extent to which education is causally related to later age at first birth in a large sample of female twins from the United Kingdom (N = 2,752). We present novel estimates using within–identical twin and biometric models. Our findings show that one year of additional schooling is associated with about one-half year later age at first birth in ordinary least squares (OLS) models. This estimate reduced to only a 1.5-month later age at first birth for the within–identical twin model controlling for all shared family background factors (genetic and family environmental). Biometric analyses reveal that it is mainly influences of the family environment—not genetic factors—that cause spurious associations between education and age at first birth. Last, using data from the Office for National Statistics, we demonstrate that only 1.9 months of the 2.74 years of fertility postponement for birth cohorts 1944–1967 could be attributed to educational expansion based on these estimates. We conclude that the rise in educational attainment alone cannot explain differences in fertility timing between cohorts.     

The determinants and consequences of child care subsidies for single mothers in the USA

This paper provides an analysis of child care subsidies under welfare reform in the USA. We used data from the 1999 National Survey of America's Families to analyze the determinants of receipt of a child care subsidy and the effects of subsidy receipt on employment, school attendance, unemployment, and welfare participation. Ordinary least-squares estimates that treat subsidy receipt as exogenous show an effect of subsidy receipt on employment of about 13 percentage points. Two-stage least-squares estimates that treat subsidy receipt as endogenous and use county dummies as identifying instruments show an effect of 33 percentage points on employment, 20 percentage points on unemployment, and no effects on schooling and welfare receipt.

Ability and rates of return to schooling—making use of the Swedish enlistment battery test

Using the Swedish military enlistment test, this paper estimates the return to schooling for individuals belonging to different parts of the ability distribution. It also attempts to predict whether an endogenous test score causes bias in the “ability-specific” returns to schooling that varies with the test score. A significant finding is that a higher score in the test is associated with a higher return to schooling, but that the positive association is diminishing in the test score. In general, the bias in the ability-specific returns to schooling does not seem to vary with the test score level.

Post-migration investments in education and job search: a family perspective

This paper examines post-migration investments in schooling and job search of immigrant families using new longitudinal data for Australia. Higher education levels at the time of arrival are associated with a greater probability of enrolling in school after migration. In households where the visa category would suggest that post-migration investments might be important, we find higher rates of school enrolment and job search. Traditional gender roles appear to dictate which partner makes the investments in formal schooling. However, labour market advantage, captured by principal applicant status, appears to dictate which partner makes greater investments in job search.

An examination of some mechanisms underlying externality benefits of girls' schooling

Evidence on the extent of low enrolment and late entry for a sample of rural households in Ethiopia is provided, and two potential sources of education externality benefits for school-age children, parental and neighbourhood education, are examined. The education of parents, most significantly mothers, is found to contribute to children's schooling, as does the education of neighbourhood women. The mechanisms by which such externalities may operate are considered by examining the effects of cognitive and non-cognitive outputs of schooling upon current school enrolment of children. Findings illustrate both the importance of girls' schooling and some challenges for education policy.

Understanding educational sequences and their consequences on the timing of marriage

"This study examines educational sequences and their consequences on the timing of marriage using the life history data from the 1983 Korean National Migration Survey....I find that the educational process in Korea becomes stabilized and institutionalized during middle and high schooling as middle and high school education becomes a mass experience. However, both men and women are likely to undergo a disorderly sequence during the transition period from high school to college due to the very fierce college entrance examination. Men are also likely to experience a disorderly sequence before or after military service. Both men and women who experience an interruption in their schooling after graduation from high school have lesser odds of getting married than those who keep their educational process orderly."     

China's ‘later’ marriage policy and its demographic consequences

Using data from China's One-Per-Thousand Fertility Survey conducted in 1982, a cohort analysis is carried out to estimate the demographic consequences of the later marriage policy implemented in the People's Republic of China. The findings show that the later marriage policy had a strong positive effect on mean age at first marriage and first birth but a negative impact on the length of the first-birth interval, suggesting that the depressing effects on fertility of the administratively enforced postponement of marriage are more or less offset by adjustments over the first-birth interval by Chinese couples.