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1.
This research seeks to understand the factors that lead nation‐states to ratify international human rights treaties in the contemporary world, despite their potential cost for state sovereignty. We argue that normative pressure from international society, along with historical contingencies during the Cold War, encouraged many states to ratify these treaties. We present an event‐history analysis of ratification of seven key international human rights treaties in 164 countries in the period between 1965 and 2001. The results lend support to the world society argument as well as to our historical argument and also specify that normative pressure and imitation have been important factors shaping states’ decisions to ratify international human rights treaties.  相似文献   

2.
《Australian Social Work》2013,66(3):244-256
This paper examines the relationship between social work and human rights. It argues that the concept of human rights, as it is currently understood, is insufficient as a framework for social work theory and practice. Human rights are inherently individualistic - a problem that a focus on collective rights does little to rectify. What is absent from the human rights discourse, and what is directly relevant to social work, is a corresponding discourse on human responsibilities. This paper addresses the major criticisms of a human rights discourse by proposing a developmental model of human rights and responsibilities. The model establishes its applicability to social work theory and practice by demonstrating the counterbalancing forces of individual rights and collective responsibilities operating on the person in the environment.  相似文献   

3.
Lynn Hunt is an American historian and writer; she is Distinguished Research Professor at the University of California in Los Angeles (U.C.L.A.), and before coming to U.C.L.A., she taught at the University of Pennsylvania (1987–1998) and at the University of California, Berkeley (1974–1987). She is known for her studies in European Cultural History, and in 2007 she published the book Inventing Human Rights, where she examines the rise of the human rights in the eighteenth century.

We are specifically interested in her work because it gives us the chance to create a dialogue and disclose the moment we are living in comparing it with the cultural history and the role the media can have during a humanitarian crisis.

Therefore, we ask Lynn Hunt to explain how the exodus of migrants can be interpreted in light of the meta-narrative model, and to make clear what is and what will be the role of the cultural historians in offering us an interpretation of this historical moment. According to what the writer says in Writing History in the Global Era (2014), Hunt also deals with the importance of the relationship between means of communication, development of empathy and the emergence of human rights. For this reason, we asked the researcher, What is the role of the media today in mapping a humanitarian crisis?  相似文献   

4.
20世纪七十年代末以来,中东地区人权语境逐渐宽松,颁布了各种伊斯兰特色的《人权宣言》,不同层次的人权组织在伊斯兰国家开展活动,这都为中东非政府人权组织的产生提供了理论和组织上的准备。非政府人权组织推动了中东人权观念和人权批判精神的成长,提升了中东各国政府对人权关注程度,并成为国际人权标准内化的重要媒介,缓解了社会内部的对立。"人权依赖综合症"影响到非政府人权组织的特征,人权组织多为社会精英阶层所领导,其活动多限于特定群体和地区。在现代社会,人权组织虽面临诸多挑战,但无疑已成为推动中东政治民主化和人权发展的潜在力量。  相似文献   

5.
In this article we examine the encounter between global human rights ideas and domestic discourses of civil rights and social justice, focusing on processes of translation and adaptation of women's human rights in two ethnographic sites in New York City. The first site is a citywide coalition working for the adoption of a New York City human rights ordinance. The second site is an advocacy organization working on domestic violence issues. We find that the local adoption of human rights in New York City – the ‘domestication’ of human rights – takes place in two central sites: law and social movement. We further find that the process of translation takes place unevenly in the two sites, and it is driven primarily by the actors, mechanisms and technologies in the social movement arena. Overall, we witness the emergence of a domestic human rights movement as a new counter‐hegemonic space, characterized by multiplicity in meanings, ideological heterogeneity and ambivalence from those engaged in its construction.  相似文献   

6.
In the past, the type of discrimination against persons with disabilities in South Korea was seen mainly as being related to the physical environment and social systems that ignored disability. However, the emergence of social model and anti-discrimination laws established in numerous countries has rapidly expanded the scope of social participation for persons with disabilities as well as their awareness of their rights. This article posits that a type of disability discrimination that could emerge in the future is microaggression, which can appear in diverse forms in newly formed human relationships as the scope of social participation increases.  相似文献   

7.
EU ideology     
The idea of Europe was radically transformed after the accomplishment of the idea of European unification. The European Union (EU) and Europe at the beginning of the twenty-first century were defined by a broad common ideology that consists of ideologies such as antinationalism, social democracy, pacificism and environmentalism. These ideologies are presented by pro-EU scholars and politicians as ideologies rooted in European history and parts of European identity and as being mostly absent in the American policies. The emergence of EU ideology is traced in the relaunch of European integration in the mid-1980s and in Delors’ conflict with Thatcher. It is argued that the emergence of EU ideology is the result of two long-term historical developments: the deepening and enlargement of European integration; and the changing relations between the USA and Europe. It is concluded that the emergence of EU ideology resembles the emergence of nationalism and national ideologies.  相似文献   

8.
The U.S. Constitution includes civil and political rights—as individual rights—but does not include what is internationally understood to be “human rights,” namely rights we enjoy as equals, including economic, social, and cultural rights, and protections for vulnerable persons, such as children, minorities, mothers, and refugees. The United States has not ratified any international (United Nations) or regional (Organization of American States) human rights treaty, is not a party to the Rome Statute that established the International Criminal Court, and is no longer a member of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. It might be concluded that Americans do not know what human rights are. It is more complicated than that. While opinion polls show that Americans often endorse individual rights—e. g., the rights of women—they do not frame them as being interdependent or being within the purview of government. Can we conclude that human rights have no place in the United States? Not at all. This article concludes by showing that many U.S. institutions of higher learning have programs in human rights and that some academic associations, including the American Sociological Association, recognize human rights.  相似文献   

9.
10.
Since the first Gulf War, we have witnessed a global repositioning of the visual communication practices, utilities and techniques of the state and media as regards political mobilization, identity formation, geographic perception, political violence, urban planning, public safety and human rights. The circulation, of anthropologically threatening images of violence, terror, covert infection and social suffering has intensified in our public culture. Examining perceptual systems of global risk, this essay asks: what is the visual structure of the historical catastrophe as mediatic event? How do visual cultures and technologies of risk and threat perception stratify sensory experience? How do visual cultures of risk affect how perpetuators and victims of violence and human rights violations depict their political experience as historical truth?  相似文献   

11.
This article centers on the Mexican and Argentinean ‘Dirty Wars’, examining the limitations inherent in human rights and women's human rights responses to these epochs of violence. I situate Argentina's report on the dictatorship, Nunca más (1984), in conversation with Elena Poniatowska's text on the 1968 Mexico City massacre, La noche de Tlatelolco (1971), to trace the rise of a global human rights discourse that has become the dominant manner of conceptualizing human rights violations and gender violence in the latter half of the twentieth century. While feminist critiques of human rights have centered on the lack of gender-specific focus of violence committed against women, this article questions whether the women's human rights discourse disengages the historical, economic and geopolitical realities from which these violations were committed and instead focuses on women's sexual violations to garner international condemnation of gender violence. By turning to these texts, this article centers on the possibilities and limitations of women's human rights discourse and the impact this has on the shaping of women's political agency. This article calls for a critical feminist approach to women's human rights in order to document narratives of women survivors of human rights abuses without obfuscating their political subjectivities.  相似文献   

12.
An analysis of ideology in the United States reveals a major barrier to political and economic equality, where previously excluded groups are found to be characteristically different from historical and current participants in the area of political or economic access. This analysis is used to describe why sociobiological research threatens U.S. women's rights advocates (reform feminists) pursuing equality with men. It is argued, however, that by providing a contrast to the dominant ideological assumptions about human nature, and by providing supporting arguments for some reform feminist proposals, sociobiology merits the attention of reform feminists.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

This article explores how human rights framing by the transnational agrarian movement La Via Campesina (LVC) has evolved over the last 20 years. It discusses how the movement has worked towards institutionalizing new categories of rights, such as the ‘right to food sovereignty’ and the ‘rights of peasants’, thereby contributing to the creation of new human rights standards at the United Nations (UN). It also critically addresses some of the challenges the movement has been confronted with when framing its demands in terms of rights. Its overall argument is that LVC has managed to tap the potential of the rhetoric of rights to find common ground, thanks to its innovative use of non-codified rights. This has enabled activists to ‘localize’ human rights and make them meaningful to their various contexts. However, it contends that further advancing the movement's goals will require serious consideration of some of the key limits of the human rights framework.  相似文献   

14.
The articles published in this special journal issue examine how global ideas about women's rights actually get used in four contexts – China, India, Peru and the United States. Our findings result from collaborative research conducted by teams in each country. We call the process of appropriation and local adoption of globally generated ideas and strategies vernacularization. In each country, vernacularization differed depending on the contents of the global women's rights packages at play, the work of vernacularizers and the different social positions they occupy, how human rights ideas are framed, the channels and technologies of transmission, and the local geographies of history and culture within which circulation and vernacularization take place. We find that vernacularization is a widespread practice that takes different forms in different kinds of organizations and in different cultural and historical contexts. Ongoing tensions between global and national rights ideas are quite common. Finally, our work brings to light two dilemmas in the way human rights are appropriated and used – a resonance dilemma and an advocacy dilemma – both arising from the disparity between human rights as law and human rights as a social movement.  相似文献   

15.
16.
The founding of the Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association (AAPA) in 1923 heralded the rise of an organized, motivated Australian Aboriginal rights movement that has continued to fight for improvements to Aboriginal people’s lives. This paper investigates the media framing of this emerging movement through an analysis of print media (mainstream and alternative) coverage relating to the AAPA (1923–1930) and the Aborigines Progressive Association (1937–1940). Key questions consider how media framed each organization, their leaders and activity, who was allowed to speak, and what led to the emergence of the movement in the first place. In addition, this discussion includes an examination of how social movement and journalistic theory connect. It is argued that changes in Australia’s political environment, heightened levels of oppression of Australia’s Aboriginal peoples and the availability of charismatic Aboriginal leadership provided ideal conditions for the successful emergence of the Aboriginal rights movement in Australia.  相似文献   

17.
The Geneva Convention on the Status of Refugees is central to scholarship on refugee and asylum issues. It is the primary basis upon which asylum seekers make their claims to the majority of host states today and, as a key text of the human rights framework, has come to be associated with the very idea of a universalised rights-bearing human being. Yet British asylum policy today is characterized by efforts to limit access to the right to asylum. Many scholars believe this is because asylum seekers today are different, in character and number, to previous cohorts of applicants. This article goes back to the founding of the refugee rights regime and investigates the exclusions of colonized peoples from access to the right to asylum. Using Chimni's concept of the “myth of difference”, the article demonstrates that asylum seekers have long existed outside of Europe, and that their exclusion from international rights has been both longstanding and intentional. This historical sociology suggests that the basis for critical work on the issue of asylum policy today must be one which takes colonial histories into account.  相似文献   

18.
In 2008 the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) commenced operation. The CRPD has created a dynamic new disability rights paradigm that empowers disability people’s organizations and creates a new paradigm for disability scholars. This paper analyses the impact of the CRPD and provides practical guidance as to how this convention can be used to drive change. Prior to this convention, persons with disabilities were protected by a range of general human rights conventions. Despite receiving nominal protection under general human rights conventions, persons with disabilities have had many of their human rights denied to them. The CRPD goes further than merely re-stating rights. It creates a new rights discourse, empowers civil society and renders human rights more obtainable for person with disabilities than any time in history.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

The article contends that the most popular form of Public Participation (PP) in SA is public protest, which, as a result of historical continuity, represents a direct response to the humiliations experienced by the poor, unemployed and socially excluded. Despite an enlightened human rights Constitution, if citizens are treated as consumers and left to the vagaries of the market PP mechanisms are likely to fail as they do not address the real social issues at the root of the discontent.  相似文献   

20.
This essay will discuss racism and racial discrimination by locating them within a context of international human rights. It is argued that conceptually racism and racial discrimination within an international human rights paradigm sharpens our understanding of these concepts from both a global and regional vantage point. The main idea is to provide a thematic and procedural overview of key international human rights instruments that address racial discrimination. It will situate racial discrimination in the context of international human rights and provide a critical discussion focused on the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and other human rights instruments that address racial discrimination.  相似文献   

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