东南亚华人的社会文化情况初探

一 众所周知,东南亚华人的社会文化具有明显的独特性.这种独特性具体表现在哪些方面?它对当地华人的生存和发展以及华人与当地民族的融合有哪些作用?这些都是值得研究的问题.受资料所限,本文只涉及东南亚华人社会文化的某些方面.     

重视小民族研究 促进中国小民族的健康发展

<正> 小民族是中国社会和民族发展过程中产生,并始终存在着的社会现象和客观实体。重视小民族研究,促进其健康发展,将对中国社会的发展与现代化建设产生广泛而深刻的影响。但目前对小民族的研究,特别是中国小民族的社会主义现代化的研究却是一片空白,极不适应中国社会和小民族发展的现实需要。本文就此作些初步的探究,就教于专家、同仁。一、小民族及其特点小民族是民族中的一种特殊类型,是民族长期发展、分化、融合的产物与结果。作为一种特殊的民族类型,它之所以能在历史发展中生存下来,除具有一般民族所共有的特征外,还有为自己所独有的系列特征。那么,小民族究竟具有哪些特征呢?哪些民族可算作小民族,有何判定的标准呢?     

《环境与小民族生存——鄂伦春文化的变迁》读后

19世纪末至20世纪初以来,在现代化潮流的强力冲击下,分布于世界各地的不少小民族的传统文化和生活方式被浸润、消解,甚至出现整个群体消失的情况.造成如此结果的原因何在? 小民族的前景如何? 这是人类学界多年来一直普遍关注并着力探索的问题.而鄂伦春族的文化变迁,无疑是一个具有典型性和代表性的研究课题.     

马克思主义的民族理论

我们怎样来认识民族?从什么时候起民族就在人类社会历史上存在了?民族是怎样产生的?在什么情况下什么时候产生新的民族?民族在社会发展过程中起着什么作用?在人类的未来民族的前景如何?这许多问题已经观察、研究了一百多年,仍然时常在无数的哲学、历史学、社会学、地理学、民族学和政治学著作中陷于困境。在马克思主义之前一直占据统治地位而且至今还在统治着的历史唯心主义观点指导之下,曾经创立过形形色色的理论。但是,     

人类文化的未来

人类学往往被那些对它所知甚少的人说成是一门回顾往事的学科。然而,即便是最常回顾往事的考古学者和人类学者,都不会把自己局限于过去,同样,民族学者对人类文化的未来也并非不感兴趣。不仅如此,人类学者还特别关注人类未来及其可能带来的变化。与西方工业化社会的所有公民一样,他们也想知道将来将给西方文化带来什么样的变化。不管人类在生理方面将会产生什么变化,在将来,人类文化无疑仍将是人们赖以解决生存问题的机制。可是,有一些人类学家担心人类的生存问题会越来越多,以致于文化不能解     

民族生态学研究的主要问题

民族生态学是一门介于民族学和人类生态学之间的边缘科学,所涉及的问题超出了民族地理学、民族人类学和民族人口学的研究范围。该学科的主要任务是研究族群或族共同体在所居住地区的自然条件和社会文化条件下谋取生存的传统方式和特点,当地生态系统对人体产生的影响,族群或族共同体同大自然作斗争的特点及对自然界的影响,它们合理利用自然资源的传统,民族生态系统形成和发挥职能作用的规律等等。     

社会性别与民族妇女文化参与--以东乡族妇女为例

社会性别是认识和研究女性问题的一个重要工具和方法。民族妇女的生存与发展水平取决于多种主客观因素。东乡妇女文化参与程度低、参与面狭窄、参与积极性不高的现状尚需引起关注。民族地区经济发展不足、基础教育落后、基层组织不健全、传统观念和习俗制约等,都是影响妇女文化参与的重要因素。     

民族认知结构研究的心理学取向

民族认知是民族心理学研究中的主要内容之一 ,人类依靠认知来认识客观世界 ,依靠认知有选择地收集周围世界的信息 ,对客观世界中的各种刺激做出不同反应。具有不同社会生活条件和不同经验、生活在不同社会文化或民族群体中的人 ,其认知必定受其生活环境和生活经验的制约 ,从而表现出独特的认知特点。研究民族的认知特点可以从民族认知框架、认知选择性及认知方式等心理维度入手。本文试图运用心理学的原理 ,对民族认知结构进行跨文化的诠释 ,研究各民族在认知及其结构方面的特点 ,探讨导致这些特点差异的文化因素、民族因素及历史因素等。     

小民族、社会科学与人类文化

通过分析小民族的处境,探讨了小民族对社会科学及人类发展所起的作用,提出了两个论点:一是在人类探讨自身历史、探讨自身方式和探讨自身问题诸方面,小民族为社会科学做出了贡献;二是文明多样性是人类生存的必要条件,小民族文化是人类文明的重要部分,其破坏将导致人类发展的"特化".故此,唯将问题意识与人文关怀结合,社会科学才有出路.     

民族关系定义研究

民族关系是民族理论的一个基本范畴,本文系统地研究了国内民族理论界提出的各种"民族关系"的定义;并将民族关系定义为:民族关系是民族之间的关系,是人类自从有民族分化以来的社会发展过程中,民族为谋求生存与发展,在一定的社会意识指导下形成的民族之间的共生关系,即民族之间在相互交往中形成的在物质生存资料上互通有无、精神文化上取长补短的相互往来的联系和影响,或在相互对抗中,敌对双方民族之间的封闭隔绝状态,是一种普遍的社会历史现象,并且是随着社会的发展变化而不断发展变化的.在研究民族关系定义的基础上,系统地比较研究了民族关系与民族问题这一对民族理论基本范畴之间的理论逻辑关系,并实证性地分析了中国民族关系的基本结构.     

教育变迁视野下人口较少民族文化传承路径及其困境——以云南布朗族为例

全球化浪潮使得布朗族如其他绝大多数少数民族一样正面临外来文化冲击,如何有效传承本民族传统文化日益重要。本研究认为,教育是人类文化传承的重要途径;随着社会的发展,布朗族传统教育的模式及其功能发生了改变;民族地区现代学校教育责无旁贷地成为当今民族文化传承的重要场所,尽管它正面临传承与发展的两难困境。     

宗教信仰与族群边界--以保安族为例

“回回”原为一个以宗教来认同的族群集体。建国以后 ,国家承认了“回回”的民族身份 ,定名为回族 ,并依据斯大林民族定义进一步将原一律包含进“回回人”中的别具自身文化特点的一些群体识别为单独的少数民族 ,如保安族、东乡族和撒拉族。这样 ,在甘青宁地区穆斯林社会中又出现了一道新的社会边界———民族。那么 ,在当代社会生活中 ,在这个由宗教提供最主要的社会互动关联体系的社会中 ,人们如何区分群体 ?怎样确定群体之间的互动规则 ?基于宗教信仰差异的社会边界和国家认定的民族边界分别发挥着什么样的作用 ?社会生活中真实的族群边界是什么 ?本文试图以保安族为例回答上述问题。     

南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

民族自治地方和谐发展的制度困境与变革导向——评《民族自治地方社会和谐的法治保障研究》

《民族自治地方社会和谐的法治保障研究》一书从多重视角分析了民族自治地方构建和谐社会面临的问题和困难,找准了完善我国民族自治制度的突破口——制度根源,对制定和完善国家民族政策及民族法制提出了的积极有效的建议。研究视角独特、观点新颖,不失为近年来民族政策和法制研究的杰作。其立论始于实证分析,结论归于具有操作性的意见,对于民族区域自治制度的完善以及少数民族人权的法律保护,均具有重要的理论和现实意义。     

对苏联穆斯林民族的再认识——兼论戈尔巴乔夫的民族政策

苏联解体与民族宗教问题密切相关。在苏联改革时期,戈尔巴乔夫重视东正教,忽视伊斯兰教,厚此薄彼的做法激活了穆斯林民族对于伊斯兰宗教与文化的向往,导致宗教和民族热情高涨,民族间流血冲突不断,东正教徒和穆斯林矛盾加剧。苏联穆斯林的行为表明,伊斯兰教是穆斯林社会生活不可分割的组成部分,他们希望国家保护信仰伊斯兰教的权利,并非要反对国家政权和谋求分离。因此,重新认识苏维埃国家和穆斯林民族的互动关系,对于多民族国家处理好穆斯林民族问题具有借鉴意义。     

论中国少数民族拥有使用和发展自己的语言文字的权力

语言文字是民族文化的重要组成部分,与其他民族文化形式一样,中国少数民族的语言文字得到了充分保护,各少数民族拥有使用和发展自己的语言文字的权力。政府一方面立法保护,一方面积极扶持民族语文教育、培养人才,建立相关的民族语文编译、新闻出版机构,并主动为少数民族创制、推行文字,推进了少数民族语言文字事业的健康发展。     

铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识的价值、困境及路径

大量少数民族由农村迁移至城市,既为城市的发展注入了活力,也为民族工作和城市治理带来了挑战。铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识是做好民族工作的关键,能够帮助少数民族更好地适应并融入城市生活,并有助于在城市地区进一步做好民族团结进步示范创建工作,有效破解城市治理的难题。应从完善保障城市少数民族合法权益的机制和体制,努力提高城市少数民族贫困群众的生活质量与水平,关注并及时满足城市少数民族的精神需求,充分调动和发挥城市常住少数民族群众的积极性和带头作用四个方面去铸牢城市少数民族中华民族共同体意识。     

贾理:苗族传统社会内部的“官学”体系

苗族贾理的传承提供了反思少数民族原生形态教育的新视角。在主流文化尚未大规模进入前,西南少数民族有各自文化传承的内容与方式。本文基于黔东南州丹寨县的田野考察,在历史语境背景下、从苗族贾理传承的形式和内容两个维度论证其补充儒学教化而成为苗族传统社会内部的“官学”,尤其是贾师办班授贾形式因其正式性、目的性可视作苗族特色“私塾”雏形。西南与中原同属一个文化共同体,贾理融通转化儒家思想,在育人、传承地方性知识和文化认同等方面发挥了民族文化的教育功能。于现代社会转型背景下,重审典型民族文化教育活动有助于增强中华民族共同体意识。     

民族学视野中的海外华人--两岸三地民族学海外华人研究述评

明中叶以降,中国出现了较大规模的海外移民活动,这些移民在国外生存和发展,形成了海外华人族群.海外华人是中华民族在国外的发展.除了新加坡华人之外,其他地方的海外华人均处于少数民族的地位,成为民族学研究的重要内容.本文介绍了中国两岸三地民族学的海外华人研究,并从民族学的视角提出一些有待进一步探讨的问题.