生态移民过程中的政府、市场与家户

通过对内蒙古S旗的实地研究，我们发现生态移民政策的实践过程是一个由中央政府、地方政府、市场精英、农牧民等多元社会行动主体共同参与的社会过程。在复杂互动关系的背后是由政府力量、市场力量以及地方民众所形成的权力和利益网络。自上而下的生态治理脉络中，地方政府处于各种关系的连接点上，其集“代理型政权经营者”与“谋利型政权经营者”于一身的“双重角色”，使环境保护目标的实现充满了不确定性。     

从分税制到项目制:制度演进和组织机制

分税制改革以后,中国随之进行了公共预算体制改革,由此形成了一种新的国家治理体制——项目制。地方政府的项目支出主要有三种类型：上级专项转移支付、上级非补助性项目支出和本级项目支出。三类项目支出在地方得以汇聚和重组,在很大程度上形塑了基层政府的财政结构。项目制本质上不是对科层制的一种摆脱或超越,而是国家主动对政府科层体系的一次完善和补充,是近代国家政权建设在新时期的延续与拓展。项目制的直接目的是“硬化”预算约束,深层目的是增强政府的回应能力,二者在实践中呈现一定张力,政府治理的理性化和技术化并不必然增强其对公共需求的回应能力,甚至可能形成反向效应。     

5.12 Wenchuan Earthquake Recovery Government Policies and Non-Governmental Organizations' Participation

This article studies government policies for the 5.12 Wenchuan earthquake recovery and NGOs' participation in recovery. It is shown that the recovery was characteristic of strong central government control and weak participation by NGOs. This is probably due to China's centralized political system, the central government's control of the majority of national revenue and limited political space for the growth of NGOs in China. We recommend that China's disaster recovery should emphasize the partnership between governments and NGOs. We also suggest China's governments to promote the development of NGOs and social workers to advocate the importance of social recovery after disasters.

An earlier version of this article was presented at 2009 International Conference on Disaster Management and Social Work: Policy, Practice and Research, Taipei, Taiwan, December 1415, 2009.     

Voluntary Organizations as New Street‐level Bureaucrats: Frontline Struggles of Community Organizations against Bureaucratization in a South Korean Welfare‐to‐Work Partnership

In recent years, the role of voluntary organizations in welfare partnership has received considerable critical attention from scholars working in the field. While mainstream debates have valued state–voluntary sector partnership as participatory governance, critical studies have argued that it leads voluntary organizations to serve as a shadow state. The present study, however, contends that partnership does not necessarily entail participatory welfare or the complete subordination of the voluntary sector to the state's bureaucratic system. Rather, as new street‐level bureaucrats, voluntary organizations can exercise a degree of autonomy on the frontline despite the bureaucratic constraints engendered by partnership. Through an ethnographic analysis of Korean community organizations engaged as frontline agencies in a welfare‐to‐work partnership, this study unveils how the former have recreated democratic and inclusive environments in a particular policy setting by organizing non‐work activities and transferring administrative authority to recipients. Delineating such street‐level practices, this article demonstrates that state–voluntary sector partnerships may be sites of struggle where voluntary organizations continuously strive to actualize participatory governance in diverse and indirect ways.     

The Project System and the Mobilization of Basic Level Governments： A Sociological Study of the Project-oriented Operation of Social Management

在基层行政资源紧张条件下,上级部门为达成工作目标,越来越多地通过项目制来调动基层政府。相比于传统的科层体制,项目制使得上级部门拥有集中的资金管理权、特殊的人事安排权以及高效的动员程序,从而能更快地见到成效。项目制在基层政府的推行使得科层体系发生重构,政府内部动员由“层级动员”转向“多线动员”,行政资源的分配也演变为项目中心模式;同时,项目制的“自我扩张”效应使得项目制越来越深入到政府体系中,具有持续性及不断增长的影响力。     

Governing universal health insurance in Korea and Taiwan

This article examines policy responses to the rising costs of healthcare in the Republic of Korea and Taiwan from a governance perspective. It tries to answer why the two countries responded differently to a similar set of challenges facing their National Health Insurance (NHI). While Taiwan – in an attempt to contain costs – introduced a global budgeting system, Korea failed to do so. Governments in both countries attempted to establish a new mode of governance, bringing multiple stakeholders to health policy making in order to build social consensus. But the Korean government, as this article shows, could not resolve its policy deadlock because of a loss of trust between the government and the medical profession, caused by the separation reform of 2001. Even though Taiwan was better able than Korea to address the financial challenges of its NHI, the new mode of health governance is still on shaky ground. This article argues that because neither government now enjoys the exclusive power over health policy that they once did under the developmental state, it is essential to find a way in which different stakeholders can make the necessary compromises that will enable the NHI to run on a sustainable path for the future.     

项目制与政府间权责关系演变：机制及其影响

项目化运作是近年来国家治理的重要模式。既有研究已揭示：在项目制下,上级政府控制权增加,而下级政府的统筹治理能力被压缩。本文通过考察国家妇女小额贷款项目的演变过程发现,在项目制下,政府间权责关系的明晰化使下级政府可以通过倒逼机制影响上级部门的行为,维护地方政府利益。这实际上反映出,项目化运作不仅提供了从上至下的控制渠道,也同时增生了由下至上的反控手段。在这种演变中,上下级政府间关系出现了新的变化,双方围绕权责关系展开互动博弈,进而影响国家与社会关系,出现基层治理的“脱嵌”现象。     

一统体制的内在矛盾与条块关系

在中央与地方关系研究上，最近十年发展起来的一种理论视角是从一统体制的内在矛盾出发，探讨此种矛盾引发的应对机制及其形成的国家治理模式和治理逻辑。但是，此种理论视角忽略了条块关系的作用，未能把条块关系纳入理论分析范围。本文试图拓展这种理论视角，把“一统体制的内在矛盾”扩展为“多元化的国家能力建构所包含的冲突”，为解释包括条块关系在内的中央与地方关系提供一般化的理论分析框架。本文认为，条块关系之形成，是中央政府为了建构多元化的国家能力、控制国家能力建构上的冲突所导致的结果。进一步，国家能力建构上的冲突的演变又导致了条块关系的演变。     

It is not just scale that matters: Political trust in Utah

While the traditional assumption is residents have more confidence in governments that are closest to them, empirical studies supporting this claim remain limited. In this study, we test the claim that ‘small is beautiful’ by comparing citizen reactions to similar types of decisions affecting Utah residents made by political leaders at different levels of governance. Our primary goal is to test the claim that trust is higher for local governments. Our secondary goal is to examine potential determinants of trust and whether they vary across levels of governance. The central finding from this study is that, despite claims to the contrary, citizens are not necessarily more trusting of government closer to the people and higher levels of government can engender as much trust as more local levels of government. Our findings also emphasize that regardless of the level of governance considered, interrelations exist between residents’ views of procedural justice and trust in these officials.     

统治风险与地方分权——关于中国国家治理的三种理论及其比较

在研究中国国家治理时,同时考虑中央政府关心的效率目标和政权稳定目标的理论有三种,即：周黎安提出的“行政发包制”模型,曹正汉等提出的“中央治官、地方治民”模型以及周雪光提出的“帝国的治理逻辑”。然而,这三种理论关于中央政府的效率目标和政权稳定目标能否兼容存在着明显分歧;此外,这三种理论在分析层面上也存在差别。导致分歧和差别的原因有两个：一个是关于兵民能否分治,三种理论隐含着不同的假定;另一个是关于中央政府着重防范的统治风险的来源,是来自地方分权本身（如地方政府的“各自为政”、“偏离”、“失控”等行为）,还是来自被统治的民众（如民众可能的抗议、反对或对抗等行为）,三种理论持有不同的观点。     

调控失灵与社会的生产: 以房地产业为个案及个案拓展

房地产业具有市场性和社会性双重性格。国家对房地产业调控失灵根源于中央政府和地方政府的利益获取方式的不一致,权力化市场制造了市场强势：一方面封闭了中央调控制度的执行;另一方面瓦解了社会成员自组织的抵抗行动。“强政府”体制的弱调控力这一悖论事实背后是地方保护主义。中央政府应该调整“放权”的内涵：从“放权于地方”的内部权力分配转向“放权于民”,形成两条腿走路的社会治理模式,建构国家与社会“共建”关系格局,联合对抗权力化市场的侵蚀,这是中国“社会”能够成功“生产”的根本出路。     

A Confucian War over Childcare? Practice and Policy in Childcare and Their Implications for Understanding the Korean Gender Regime

We ask about the development of childcare policies in Korea and what these mean for our understanding of the gender assumptions of Korean governments. Women's labour market participation has been increasing rapidly, with married women now much more likely to be in the labour market. The provision and regulation around support for women's employment, and especially for mothers’ employment, is a key issue and problem for Korean women and for governments. A number of policies give the impression that the Korean government is moving rapidly towards a policy for reconciling work and family based on a dual‐earner model of the family. But we argue that a close inspection of these policies suggests that the state is still playing a residual role, legislation is not effectively implemented, and government is giving way to the private sector and to the family in responsibility for childcare. Mothers’ accounts of their lives centre on a childcare war played out beneath the apparently harmonious Confucian surface, with resisting husbands supported by powerful mothers‐in‐law, and daily struggles over the management of services. The Korean government and its policy‐makers, far from moving rapidly towards a dual‐earner model of the family, are still rooted in Confucian ideals.     

从矿区政府到地方政府:中国油田地区条块关系的形成与演变

条块关系是由“条”与“块”分别承担的任务之冲突程度决定的，条块关系的演变也是由任务之间的冲突变化所导致的。如果中央政府需要下属政府机构同时完成多项任务，那么，多项任务之间的冲突将导致条与块的形成，而且，其冲突的严重程度决定了条块关系的特征，即决定了条块结合程度的高低。进而言之，任务之间的冲突程度上升将推动条块结合程度下降；反之，将导致条块结合程度上升。这一观点来源于多任务委托—代理理论，在本研究中得到了油田地区条块关系的支持，即可以解释在六个设市的油田地区条块关系的形成与演变。     

A new tool for urban governance or just rhetoric? The case of participatory budgeting in Taipei City

Increasing interest in participatory budgeting has been observed in local governments around the world. This paper stresses direct citizen participation in the budgeting process leads to good governance, deepens democracy and improves social justice, while also highlighting some challenges in its efficiency and effectiveness. Unlike participatory budgeting, the Sub-borough Chiefs Forum is a community-based representative democratic mechanism; it could be regarded as a form of participatory budgeting in a broad sense. If so, then did the Taipei programme simply duplicate the goals of the Forum or lead to a better governance by making up for the inadequacies of the Chiefs Forum? To find out whether the Taipei participatory budgeting programme made a difference, we carried out qualitative and quantitative comparisons of projects passed under the participatory budgeting process and at the Forum. We also interviewed several participatory budgeting participants and sub-borough chiefs. The findings suggested that participatory budgeting and the Forum generated different proposals and budget requests, and the Taipei programme supplemented the shortcomings of the Forum and therefore led to deeper civic engagement and better urban governance.     

文件治理中的政策采纳及其影响因素研究:基于国家和省级政府政策文本(2008—2018)数据

“文件治国”是中国国家治理的基本表现形态，不同中央政策在各地被采纳与实施的情况也是国家治理问题的核心研究议题。本文尝试突破以往政策扩散研究多只关注特定单项中央政策在各地扩散过程的局限，结合长时段大样本农村政策文本数据，对中央政府2008—2018年发布的多项农村政策在各地的扩散过程进行实证分析，相对系统地考察了中央层面的行政压力和经济激励，以及地方层面的执行能力和内在动力等因素及其交互作用对政策采纳的影响，进而对中国正式政策文件运作的基本过程和内在机制进行探讨。研究显示，自上而下的行政压力越大，经济激励越大，地方层面的执行能力越强，地方政府采纳中央农村政策的概率就越容易显著增加。从交互关系来看，中央政府对农村议题重视程度的提高会减小不同执行能力省份的政策采纳差异，也会减小不同经济激励政策的采纳差异。     

Food Access Among Elderly Japanese People

With a rapidly growing aging society, many elderly people in Japan have been facing difficulties of shopping in their daily life. Recently, this phenomenon has been found in urban areas, especially local cities. This growth of the aging society, combined with alterations to the food supply system, has caused food insecurity over a large area.The food insecurity may induce poor nutrition and disease in elderly people. The Ministries and local governments have taken measures for improving food access. Although NGOs, social organizations and the private sector manage social‐related businesses in many areas, they also rely on government funding. This paper proposes solutions for stakeholders to alleviate this considerable issue: (i) share research outcome, (ii) organize platforms for discussion, and (iii) strengthen community empowerment.     

“一体多面”：中华帝制时期的国家—社会关系再研究

关于中华帝制时期国家与社会的关系特征国内外学术界提出了诸多理论概括,诸如“士绅自治”“吏民社会”“官民合作”,等等。本文从行政发包制理论的视角重新审视关于中华帝制时期国家—社会关系的现有理论概括,借助“行政外包”这一分析概念,强调特定的治理领域特征与行政外包的具体形态之间的对应关系,进而揭示国家与社会互动关系的运行机制和内在逻辑。本文试图提出“一体多面”的概念,重新概括中华帝制时期国家与社会关系的总体特征,为理解中华帝制的“权力一元性”与“治理多样性”的奇妙结合提供新的观察视角和分析框架。     

中共八大前后中央与地方分权的两条思路探析

中国是一个地区发展不平衡的多民族的发展中大国,中央与地方如何分权既是一个重大的理论问题,也是一个切实的实践问题。社会主义改造基本完成后,为了改变中央高度集权的管理体制,中央开始向地方分权,并在实践中形成了渐进式分权和激进式分权两种方式,各自取得了不同的成果,这为今天处理中央与地方分权问题提供了历史的经验教训。     

Civil society organizations and participatory local governance in Pakistan: An exploratory study

This paper analyses the extent to which the civil society organizations (CSOs) have influenced the decision‐making of the local government toward the needs and priorities of citizens. In development discourse, civil society organizations hold a significant importance as they are deemed to provide holistic and new ways to ensure participatory local governance. Therefore, their role against the backdrop of their involvement in mobilizing citizens’ involvement and influencing decision‐making in Pakistan calls for further research. This paper aims to fill this gap. Using qualitative research methods, the current paper appraises the role of CSOs in mobilizing public involvement in the decision‐making process of local government institutions of Punjab, Pakistan. The paper finds that the effectiveness of CSOs is very low due to various institutional and political constraints. Motivations for CSOs seeking citizen involvement have been instrumental in nature rather than motivated by participatory principles.     

“官场+市场”与中国增长故事

本文运用和拓展了“官场+市场”理论,重新解析中国独具特色的经济增长机制以及政府与市场的互动模式。地方官员之间围绕着辖区经济发展的官场竞争嵌入在不同辖区企业之间的市场竞争之中,而辖区企业参与的市场竞争又嵌入在官场竞争之中。作为一种分析框架,“官场+市场”的理论贡献在于揭示了政府与市场的良性互动、政企的有效合作必备的三个条件,即内部的政治激励（“把事做对”）、外部的市场约束（“防止做坏事”）和必要的信息反馈（“做对的事”）。中国“官场+市场”的增长模式在总体上提供了这三个关键条件,在最积极的意义上实现了辖区内政治企业家与民间企业家精神的结合,政治精英与经济精英的结合,中国历史悠久的官僚政治传统与西方国家市场经济传统的结合,为我们揭示中国增长之谜开辟了新的视角。