政府补助与民营企业研发投入

在关于政府研发补助政策对企业研发投入影响效应的争论背景下,本文通过分析第9次全国民营企业抽样调查数据,发现政府研发补助政策对中国民营企业研发投入具有激励效应,但这一效应受到企业决策者、企业资源禀赋结构以及企业环境等企业系统相关属性的影响。本文认为,为了进一步推动企业创新研发活动,政府需要继续改善市场环境,并在补助政策上向那些在企业决策和资源禀赋结构上更趋向于自主研发创新的民营中小企业倾斜。     

The Revenge of History – The Institutional Roots of Post‐Communist Family Policy in the Czech Republic,Hungary and Poland

The authors combine historical and sociological institutional analysis to show that despite the political and socio‐economic transformation in 1990s, the institutional development during and before the communist era provides the best explanation for current childcare policies in Central Europe. While most authors have concentrated on policy changes that have taken place in the region since 1989, this article concentrates on the historical roots of these policies and shows that today's policies are highly influenced by a certain dynamics that had already emerged under communist rule. It shows that a historical institutional approach, which analyses the ‘gendered logic of appropriateness’ and policy legacies at various critical junctures, can explain why family policies in Central Europe had already begun to differ during the communist era, why these main differences continue and why even the changes that have taken place follow logically from historical‐institutional developments.     

Jack (and Jill?) of All Trades – A Canadian Case Study of Equity in Apprenticeship Supports

In the past decade, Canadian federal and provincial governments have designed programmes to facilitate entry into trades in an attempt to stimulate economic growth. As part of these efforts, increasing attention is focusing on programmes to encourage women to enter skilled trades, while paying little attention to those trades traditionally dominated by females. In this article, we explore the gendered dimensions of apprenticeship programmes in Canada, demonstrating the ways in which gender inequality is reproduced by programmes that situate employers and women as responsible for change. In particular, using a case study, we illustrate that the gendered structure of the labour market is preserved and reproduced. While efforts have targeted women to facilitate entry into non‐traditional occupations such as electricians and plumbers, female‐dominated trades such as hairstylists remain untouched, thereby sustaining the gendered wage structure of the economy. Thus women remain segregated in low‐paying trades and receive fewer public supports when pursuing training in these segregated trades. The article argues that apprenticeship training and certification is constructed to respond to the needs of male‐dominated trades, but not the needs of female‐dominated trades. Ultimately, the public policy decisions that make up the apprenticeship training and certification system in Canada reproduce gender inequality.     

Acclimation Effects on the Supreme Court of Canada: A Cross‐Cultural Examination of Judicial Folklore*

Objective. Few public law theories developed to understand the decision making of U.S. courts have been examined in different cultural settings. This study examines the applicability of the “freshman effects” theory in the context of the Canadian Supreme Court. Methods. The article uses analysis of variance tests to examine changes in the voting and authorship patterns of 15 Canadian Supreme Court Justices during the Laskin, Dickson, and Lamer Court periods (1973–1999). Results. We find very little evidence of acclimation effects on the Canadian Supreme Court. However, through the Chief Justice's power to compose decision panels, Canadian justices in their first full year of service are assigned significantly fewer cases than in subsequent years of their career. Thus, Canadian justices are given time to acclimate to the high court through a lower workload, a luxury not afforded to U.S. justices. Conclusions. Theories of public law adopted to understand U.S. courts may be limited in their generalizability beyond the U.S. setting because of the institutional and political forces that shape judicial decision making in other courts.     

The challenges of establishing basic pension insurance for migrant workers in urban China

Since the late 1990s, migrant workers in China have exhibited little enthusiasm to participate in the basic pension insurance schemes that have been promoted by the central and local governments in China. Previous research found that socioeconomic and family factors might have influenced migrant workers' decision to participate in the basic pension schemes. This article explores the impact of institutional factors on migrant workers' willingness to participate in the scheme, such as the work place, the nature of the enterprise, workers' labour contract status, workers' knowledge of the scheme, as well as their personal contribution rate.     

Corporate ownership,efficiency and performance under state capitalism: Evidence from China

This paper studied the relationship between business performance and the ownership structure of firms focusing on Chinese state owned enterprises (SOEs) using a firm level panel data set of China from 1999 to 2011. By classifying all firms into different types based on their ultimate controlling shareholders, we found that SOEs in general underperform in the marketplace than private enterprises. However, among the SOEs in our sample, the SOEs controlled by central government outperformed all types of firms because they offered the highest asset turnover ratio and lowest business administration ratio by receiving favourable government treatment. We conclude that firm ownership type and work efficiency are the main factors that influence the differences in firm performance. In particular, the performance of SOEs controlled by central government is greatly determined by the degree of government intervention, which is referred to as State Capitalism.     

What Does it Take for a Canadian Political Scientist to be Cited?*

Objectives. The article examines the factors that influence the frequency whereby scholarly articles published by Canadian political scientists are cited. Method. We collected data on 1,860 journal articles published between 1985 and 2005 by 758 Canadian political scientists and listed in the Social Science Citation Index. Using these data, we performed OLS and tobit estimations to identify factors influencing citation frequency. Results. The regressions show that the reputation of the journal in which the article is published, though important, does not explain everything. The gender of the author(s), the number of authors, the geographical focus of the article, the field, and the methodology also matter. Conclusion. An article is more likely to be widely cited if it is published in a prestigious journal, if it is written by several authors, if it applies quantitative methods, if it compares countries, and if it deals with administration and public policy or elections and political parties. Faculty members who belong to larger departments and those who are women are more cited.     

“官场+市场”与中国增长故事

本文运用和拓展了“官场+市场”理论,重新解析中国独具特色的经济增长机制以及政府与市场的互动模式。地方官员之间围绕着辖区经济发展的官场竞争嵌入在不同辖区企业之间的市场竞争之中,而辖区企业参与的市场竞争又嵌入在官场竞争之中。作为一种分析框架,“官场+市场”的理论贡献在于揭示了政府与市场的良性互动、政企的有效合作必备的三个条件,即内部的政治激励（“把事做对”）、外部的市场约束（“防止做坏事”）和必要的信息反馈（“做对的事”）。中国“官场+市场”的增长模式在总体上提供了这三个关键条件,在最积极的意义上实现了辖区内政治企业家与民间企业家精神的结合,政治精英与经济精英的结合,中国历史悠久的官僚政治传统与西方国家市场经济传统的结合,为我们揭示中国增长之谜开辟了新的视角。     

Canadian Non-Profits in Crisis: The Need for Reform

This paper examines recent changes in the relationship between the Canadian state, at both federal and provincial levels, and those non-profit organizations concerned with social welfare. The 1995 federal budget marked a turning point for Canadian non-profit organizations as the federal transfer payments to the provinces were simultaneously restructured and reduced. This, in turn, meant that provincial funds flowing to non-profit organizations would also be cut, or terminated, and restructured as service contracts continued to replace grants. This followed a review of government funding to non-profit agencies initiated the previous year and came on top of a growing critique of non-profits as unaccountable, unrepresentative, professionalized, "special-interest" groups, who used public funds largely to sustain themselves, and pursued causes that should not be subsidized by government. At the same time non-profit organizations were increasingly expected to provide core social welfare services not only on the basis of "more for less" but also through charging for their services and increased corporate and individual fund-raising. All of these events took place in the context of the election to government, in 1993, of the Liberal Party, that had previously been strongly identified with the advance of a Canadian social agenda but now chose to adopt its conservative predecessor’s deficit reduction strategy through public expenditure cuts. For many Canadian commentators, such events have thrown non-profit organizations into crisis and during the past two years there have been attempts to bring together the diverse interests within the sector and build a stronger sense of identity and voice. However, there is also a strong argument to suggest that the vulnerability of such non-profit organizations has resulted, in part, from their over-dependence on government during the previous twenty-five years and the absence of a strong popular base. This paper explores the changing relationships between the Canadian state and non-profit organizations, and highlights what could be very similar dilemmas for their UK counterparts as government increasingly looks to non-profits to fulfil what has during the postwar period been its service-providing role.     

When farmers are planting houses …

This paper examines the reasons behind the continual growth of the phenomenon of famers ‘planting’ cheap and substandard houses on farmland in rural China repeatedly and without government permission. The practice has been commonly interpreted by local governments as schemes instigated by greedy farmers to maximise compensation payments from the government when their properties are requisitioned for public infrastructural or private development projects. Researchers however have found that such practices are measures farmers learnt from others to insure themselves against land grabs as well as inadequate compensation offered by local governments and developers. Their vulnerability however also spanned a growing illegal industry where farmers short of cash were lured into participating in organised ‘house planting’ projects although they could be caught and put in jail by local authorities. Other researchers are equally concerned by the threat of food security should these incidences continue to escalate. However, these problems would not be easily addressed because the survival of local governments has grown to be heavily dependent on both the huge revenues generated by and winning political mileage from urbanising the rural, or converting agricultural to non-agricultural lands.     

区域公共物品供给中的利益协调机制探讨

区域公共物品供给是其效益覆盖范围内的不同利益相关者进行利益博弈的集体选择结果。目前,在区域公共物品供给过程中,不同利益相关者纷纷表现出相异的利益追求:地方政府追求的更多是地方利益;企业组织主要追求实现利润最大化;非政府组织主要体现政府或自身的利益需求。因此,以区域社会公共利益为目标,协调区域内不同地方政府、企业组织和非政府组织之间的不同利益追求,显得十分重要。具体说来,应该做好以下几个方面的工作:一是建设服务型的地方政府,促使地方政府追求实现区域社会公共利益;二是培育企业组织的社会责任,促使企业组织维护区域社会公共利益;三是提高非政府组织的自主治理能力,促使其更好关注区域社会公共利益。     

Are polish theatres autonomous? Artistic institutions in a bureaucratic system of culture funding

The culture funding systems based on the arm's length mechanism are generally believed to secure more autonomy of artistic institutions than ‘bureaucratic’ systems which directly involve politicians or public servants in the allocation of public funds. There is a wide range of academic literature that defend this approach. The aim of this paper is to readdress this view and show that it stems from typology-based preconceptions rather than real-life policy-making. To this end, the article analyses relations between public theatres and local funding bodies in Poland, where culture funding system is characterised by a bureaucratic decision-making. Mixed methods were applied using questionnaires and focus groups with public servants and theatre directors. The paper suggests that, although Polish local governments play a dominant role in the arts funding, their intervention in the area of culture has merely administrative nature and, in general, does not entail interference in the artistic activity.     

工业城市"多元参与"公共危机管理机制的建构

近年来我国工业城市公共危机事件频繁发生,呈现出高频次、大规模,危机后果的严重性和持续性等特征,使我国工业城市进入公共危机的高发期。种种迹象表明,工业城市在获取经济利益的同时,也面临着高风险,工业城市公共安全已成为政府的一道难题。如何及时有效地处置这些突发公共危机事件已成为城市尤其是工业城市政府高度关注的重大问题。因此,在工业城市中构建良好的政、企、社区"多元参与"的互动关系系统:以政府为核心,承担着领导、监督、指导的工作;以企业、社区为基础和保证,承担着支持政府的工作。构建多元参与、多方沟通与交流,相互协调,相互促进的公共危机管理机制已势在必行。     

When corporate social responsibility meets the challenges of rising globalisation risks

Global firms are facing great difficulties in containing new risks along their supply chains: reputation risks, contestation risks, safety risks and markets risks, as well as the risk of having to deal with new laws and more binding norms. The lack of internal control on these Global Value Chains is revealed through different social or environmental crises. Mass media are mobilised by NGOs and citizens as a means of pressure, which undermines the reputation of firms and therefore their immaterial assets. These crises show that the codes of conduct and the so-called soft law instruments fail to control the supply chain, but at the same time, these instruments begin to set new standards to face these new risks. This paper discusses this evolutionary institutional process, and stresses how CSR is not only a fiction but starts having real effects by creating new institutions to respond to risks. We will focus on reputation risks and markets risks to show that, even though CSR might not have led to a completely new system of rules, the institutional process under study has a meaningful impact on the regulatory framework.     

Bringing firms on board. Inclusiveness of the dual apprenticeship systems in Germany,Switzerland and Denmark

In dual vocational education and training (VET) systems, the state and employers collaborate in order to meet a country’s needs in terms of education for youth and professional skills for the labour market. These systems are considered as effective tools to lower youth unemployment. However, since firms in dual VET systems select the apprentices, not every candidate gets access to in‐firm training. Consequently, governments develop measures that try to make their dual VET systems more inclusive. We present a categorisation of the different measures used to enhance inclusiveness in three dual collective skill formation countries (Switzerland, Germany and Denmark). We show that inclusiveness measures exist in each of the three countries but are limited in the extent to which firms are expected to play an active role in them. We conclude that the types of measures adopted are related to political economy traditions and the country’s level of macro‐corporatism.     

Squaring the welfare circle and government ideology: Greece and Spain in the 1990s

This article examines the "squaring the welfare circle" thesis and its usefulness to our understanding of welfare developments in Greece and Spain in the 1990s. The welfare state in both Greece and Spain was expanded considerably in the early 1980s by the newly elected socialist governments, only to hit the buffers of diminishing resources and rising demands in the late 1980s as well as the hostile neo-liberal welfare ideology. The process of welfare expansion was halted in the 1990s, labour market deregulation was encouraged and containment of welfare expenditure became the dominant aim of government policies. This article concentrates on the actual policies of governments in the 1990s rather than on the rhetoric of political parties. It concludes that governments of both the Left and the Right in both countries attempted to "square the welfare circle" mainly through reductions in the supply of welfare. This general conclusion is country-specific and may not apply to other countries involved in welfare restructuring. While recognizing the significance of institutional factors to welfare reform, the article concentrates on the outcomes of reforms rather than on the political process leading to them.     

The spotty record of the Hyogo Framework for Action: Understanding the incentives of natural disaster politics and policy making

Given the increasing prevalence of large-scale natural disasters, why has progress implementing the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) been so varied and so spotty? This paper explores this question using an analytical framework developed in the economic and political science literature on collective action. As public goods vary across their levels of publicness and their aggregation technologies, so do many of the inherent incentives associated with countries fulfilling their pledges in the HFA. Thus, the framework helps explain why some of the HFA's priorities for action have been and will continue to be more easily attainable than others.     

Second‐pillar pensions in Central and Eastern Europe: Payment constraints and exit options

During 1998–2007, a majority of Central and Eastern European (CEE) governments enacted laws obligating workers to save for retirement in privately managed individual accounts. The governments funded these accounts with a portion of public pension revenues, thus creating or increasing deficits in public systems. After the onset of the global financial and economic crisis (2008), most CEE governments reduced these funding diversions and scaled back the accounts. Now, a decade after the crisis, this article examines the benefits that the accounts are beginning to pay retiring workers. In general, these benefits are shown to be disadvantageous compared with public pensions. Some pay lump sums in lieu of regular monthly benefits, most fail to adjust pensions regularly for inflation, and some pay women less than men with equal account balances. In several countries, pensioners with individual accounts receive lower benefits than those without them. To enable retiring workers to avoid these disadvantages, several CEE governments have allowed them to refund their account balances and receive full public pensions. Yet while this strategy diffuses worker dissatisfaction, it also places strains on public pension finance. To assist second‐pillar account holders without weakening public pensions, governments should consider making private pension savings voluntary and financing these schemes independently of public pensions – i.e. by worker and employer contributions and, possibly, direct state support.     

The Writing on the Walls: Graffiti as Government Propaganda in Mexico

As pointed out in another article (Flora) contained in this volume, Latin American governments use mass media and popular culture forms to inform the masses and to provide messages which serve as alternatives to those communicated by the “controlled” media. While print and electronic means are effective in reaching large segments of Latin America's urban and rural populations, walls, both public and private, have been utilized as well. As Kenneth Crrieb points out in his article, painting announcements on walls is a common practice in these societies as well as in other nan- Western countries such as the People's Republic of China. Grieb focuses on the phenomenon in Mexico City during the latter protion of Luis Echeverria's presidenc (mid-1970s) when, under his orders, painters decorated walls all over the city with messages proclaiming both political slogans and popular wisdom. Perhaps inspired by his visit to China, Echeverria saw the potential of wall announcements to mobilize the populace to a greater awareness of their social responsibility as Mexican citizens. Grieb lists and comments on several categories of wall announcements which he sees as a mirror of the thoughts of the political leadership as well as an indication of the values it sought to promote.     

Social Enterprise – A New Phenomenon in the Field of Economic and Social Welfare?

Drawing upon insights from historical institutionalism, this article critically examines the origins of social enterprise and its emergence into the mainstream policy arena. It begins by relating the social enterprise idea to major non‐state/non‐private institutional traditions, including the European social economy, US non‐profits and the UK charitable sector, and places it within the specific field of economic and social welfare. In so doing, the article contests the idea that social enterprise is a new phenomenon in the social welfare field and proposes instead that the supposed ‘novelty’ of social enterprise as an organizational form and a subject of public policy lies primarily in the nature of the socio‐political and economic context of the 1980s–1990s, during which time it became ‘en vogue’. The process of institutionalization of social enterprise and its ascension into the mainstream policy arena is examined in more detail in the case of England during the time New Labour was in office and beyond, and lessons are drawn from this experience concerning both the role that social enterprise plays or is expected to play as a vehicle to address economic and social needs, and how this is intertwined with both a dominant neo‐liberal discourse, as well as alternative perspectives that emphasize more equalitarian and sustainable development paths. The article concludes with some reflections in relation to the apparent consensus that seems to exist around social enterprise as a legitimate subject of public policy and the resulting social enterprization of public services which is currently taking place in England.