选择性应付:社区居委会行动逻辑的组织分析——以G市L社区为例

本文把某些城市社区居委会有选择地采取弄虚作假、搞形式主义乃至欺骗的办法应付上级派发的各种工作压力的现象概括为选择性应付行为。通过构建街道办(政府)、居委会、居民三者间行动逻辑和策略选择的理论框架,本文尝试对居委会的选择性应付行为为何发生以及何以可能发生加以解释:一方面,居委会组织内部人力、财力、权力、时间等资源的极度短缺,造成了居委会协管能力严重不足,作为"弱者",居委会只能以应付的方式来抵触上级政府的超负荷压力。另一方面,在职责同构和压力型体制的行政环境下,上级政府尤其是街道办事处迫于向居委会寻求政绩支持的需要,默认乃至容忍了后者的选择性应付行为;而辖区居民受经济理性的影响,只关注居委会能否回应和解决居民事务的基本诉求,对于居委会的选择性应付行为采取了听之任之的冷漠态度。如此,居委会的选择性应付行为便有了重复发生的生存土壤。     

网络“反议程设置”:网民与媒体的博弈——以朋友网“国民校花大赛”徐、孟事件为例

议程设置是传播学领域的主要理论假设之一,它可以简单归纳为媒体决定受众想什么。但随着互联网的普及和推广,受众对事件的辨识能力及主观反馈不断增强。如果媒体的议程设置和框架建构偏离正常的客观实际,则难以取得受众信赖。而这些局限和矛盾如果具有某种内在联系和规律性,那就构成了大众传媒议程设置过程中的反作用力量。本文就试图在此基础上,以朋友网国民校花大赛徐傲霜和孟娇霞事件为例,分析当前中国网络反议程设置现象的内涵及表现、渠道选择特点,并进一步探讨和反思网民议程设置的问题及社会根因。     

Framing Processes, Cognitive Liberation, and NIMBY Protest in the U.S. Chemical-Weapons Disposal Conflict

This paper offers elaborations on current knowledge about social-movement framing processes and cognitive liberation, especially regarding technical controversies and not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) protest. The social-constructionist lens of the framing perspective also allows refinements in conventional explanations of NIMBY conflicts. Attention is given to the dynamics of emergence, continuity, and change in framing strategies over time in controversy regarding the U.S. Army's chemical-weapons disposal program. I focus specifically on dynamics involved in the development of cognitive liberation, particularly the framing difficulties that occur in the context of cognitive ambiguities produced by an "information haze." These ambiguities create problems for developing and linking the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational elements of collective-action frames. I also attend to frame transformation, explaining how transformation may be both animated and constrained by a movement's opponent. I conclude that NIMBY is only one possible framing and can be transformed as the context of the dispute shifts. Moreover, framing activities in technical disputes may be particularly difficult due to the role of scientific rhetoric and experts in interpreting risks and shaping understandings of the situation.     

末世论和全球社会政治冲突——以巴以冲突为例

宗教原教旨主义者的末世论成了全球社会政治冲突一种不可忽视的动因,它不仅导致了许多国家内在的社会政治断裂,也加剧了当今伊斯兰世界与西方的矛盾和冲突。巴以冲突就是一个末世论产生重要影响的典型个案。末世论是以色列的信仰者集团、美国的基督教右翼积极在巴勒斯坦被占领土上推进定居点运动,阻扰和平进程的重要动因。这两者的进攻性行动破坏了伊斯兰世界的认同,损害了他们的权利、尊严和拯救前景,从而引起哈马斯、真主党等激进伊斯兰主义者同样带有末世情结的伊斯兰群体以"圣战"为主要形式的抗争。     

末世论和全球社会政治冲突——以巴以冲突为例

宗教原教旨主义者的末世论成了全球社会政治冲突一种不可忽视的动因,它不仅导致了许多国家内在的社会政治断裂,也加剧了当今伊斯兰世界与西方的矛盾和冲突。巴以冲突就是一个末世论产生重要影响的典型个案。末世论是以色列的信仰者集团、美国的基督教右翼积极在巴勒斯坦被占领土上推进定居点运动,阻扰和平进程的重要动因。这两者的进攻性行动破坏了伊斯兰世界的认同,损害了他们的权利、尊严和拯救前景,从而引起哈马斯、真主党等激进伊斯兰主义者同样带有末世情结的伊斯兰群体以圣战为主要形式的抗争。     

Conflict and Conflict Resolution in a Cooperative: The Case of the Nir Taxi Station

What conflict resolution mechanisms dodemocratic worker cooperatives generate and to whatextent could these mechanisms be called democratic? Thiscase study tries to address these questions by examining both conflict and conflict resolution in ademocratic organization, a 66-year-old taxi cooperative.The conflicts presented stem from three main sources:ethnic origin, local division of labor, and“class” affiliation. These conflicts are resolvedthrough different processes, ranging from a joke-tellingritual to a formal tribunal composed of elected judges.Discussion centers on unique aspects of conflict resolution in a democratic worker cooperativeand their implications for studies of conflictresolution in nondemocratic firms.     

Organizational Conflict,Technology and Space: A Swedish Case Study of the Gender System and the Economic System in Action

The aim of this article is to show how the existing gender division of labour in an organization, the Department for Topographical Maps at the Swedish National Survey, was disrupted by the implementation of new technology, namely CAD (Computer Aided Design)-equipment. In this case the new technology was given to the female draughtpersons, not the male engineers, a surprising outcome considering the close relations between masculinity and technology often stated and proved. The explanation seems to be that space in this case was the most important factor in the organizational gender constructions. The outcome was a surprise to management. Most employees, both men and women, resisted the transition but for different reasons. The economic rationality was strong enough to change the gender division of labour but not strong enough to prevent the gender regime from remaining.     

Producing Space in Action. The Protest Campaign against the Construction of the Dal Molin Military Base

Although the importance of space is increasingly recognized, its conceptualization with reference to social movements varies. For a long time, critical geographers have considered space as socially constructed. Following Lefebvre’s influential distinction, the relevance of three types of socially produced space for social movements have been pointed out: (a) perceived space (or spatial practices), as a material space where everyday life is produced; (b) conceived space, as the representation of space as socially constructed through (dominant and alternative) discourses, meanings and signs; (c) lived space, or representational space, where (a) and (b) interact. This essay maps the various ways through which space structures protest while at the same time being structured by it. We shall address this task by revisiting the contributions of geographers and ethnographers, with the help of empirical research we developed on a case of local opposition to a large-scale infrastructure project: the Dal Molin military base in Italy.     

Advocacy Coalitions and Policy Change in China: A Case Study of Anti-incinerator Protest in Guangzhou

This study examines the anti-incinerator protest in Guangzhou in China. It uses the advocacy coalition framework to analyze the dynamics between Guangzhou Municipal Government and the protesters. The research covers the establishment of a Public Consultative and Supervision Committee for Urban Waste Management in Guangzhou, a public consultative mechanism for waste management, which is a new development in the policy-making process in socialist China. The ultimate plan will be to demonstrate how policy adjustment is not determined solely by the outcome of protests but is also affected by both a decentralized political structure and the socio-cultural foundation. Consequently, the discussion also explores the gradual transformation of public participation in China’s environmental policy.     

Walgreens: A Case Study in Health Care Issues and Conflict Resolution

The major problems for Walgreens in the health care reform debate and its primary stakeholders are identified, as well as the possible strategies to resolve the conflicts between Walgreens and its stakeholders. The overt positions, underlying interests, and best alternatives for resolution between Walgreens and its stakeholders are evaluated. Additionally, a conflict resolution model for public relations is developed as a guideline in suggesting strategies for solution. The three major issues for Walgreens were (a) cost of drugs, (b) freedom to choose the drug provider, and (c) mail-order drugs. Walgreens should collaborate with its stakeholders on the cost of drugs issue, accommodate on the freedom of choice issue, and seek compromise on the mail-order drug issue.     

Instrumental Civil Rights and Institutionalized Participation in China: A Case Study of Protest in Wukan Village

The current study uses the Wukan protest as a case study to assert that the Chinese farmers involved in the incident demonstrated “instrumental civil rights consciousness” in their protest. Civil rights is a means by which farmers strive for their economic rights and not an end in itself. Without real “rights consciousness,” the Wukan protests resemble “institutionalized participation” more than “rightful resistance.” The grassroots elections and self-governance that have resulted from the protest are not so much a harbinger of the emergence of bottom-up civil society as top-down initiatives by the central government. The central government has incorporated opposing powers into the existing institution to adjust state–society relations. By using bottom-up institutionalized participation, the central government has managed to strengthen its supervision over local governments, fight corruption, and stabilize its authority.     

Comparing Protest and Conflict: A Time-Series Analysis of Peasant Unrest in Japan, 1800-1877

Abstract  The objective of this study is to explore the mechanisms of peasant political protest and social conflict in nineteenth-century Japan. While political protest and social conflict have often been referred to as constituting two major categories of peasant unrest throughout feudal Japan, past studies on nineteenth-century peasant uprisings, based mainly on a class conflict paradigm, did not treat them as such. This study aims at examining differential mechanisms between protest and conflict, and at assessing the applicability of the class conflict paradigm.
A time-series analysis is performed using the annual data of peasant uprisings and antecedent socioeconomic and political conditions during the period 1800-1877. The study results strongly suggest that differential mechanisms between political protest and social conflict existed in the nineteenth-century, and that the applicability of a class conflict paradigm is, at the very least, dubious. Based on the results, combined with historical-contextual knowledge, an alternative explanation is also suggested.